The White House has released a report highlighting the potential economic gains the country would sustain if persistent educational gaps between boys of color and w...
Students with President Obama at the launch of My Brother's Keeper alliance at Lehman College in the Bronx, N.Y., in May. (Susan Watts/The Daily News via AP, Pool)
If you can't appeal to their hearts, appeal to their pocketbooks.
That's what the president and his administration are doing to sell his My Brother's Keeper initiative, which seeks to help minority boys and young men succeed at school and in the workforce.
"They're doing this because they know that making sure all of our young people have the opportunity to succeed is an economic imperative," Obama said.
Now the White House has released a report highlighting the potential economic gains the country would sustain if persistent educational gaps between boys of color and white boys were closed, one of the key goals of My Brother's Keeper. Minority men would earn $170 billion more each year, the total U.S. gross domestic product would spike by 1.8 percent and all American workers would see a 3.6 percent raise, the White House predicts. The more productive workers on the job, the more the economy will grow, the report argues, and investing in education for minority boys would be a fast way to get there.
"For every [minority man] who was born 25 years ago, only half of them are employed today," said Betsey Stevenson, a member of the president's Council of Economic Advisers who helped write the report. "That means there are half of them we have lost — that's a lot of talent we are losing. When you think about it that way, it becomes obvious the toll it's taken on our nation."
The boys are lost to jail, early death and high unemployment, all societal problems My Brother's Keeper hopes to urge private businesses and local governments to tackle. Though the president's initiative has attracted hundreds of millions of dollars in pledges, the daunting goal of closing education and achievement gaps would take significantly more investment to solve.
The president started My Brother's Keeper last year, in part prompted by the death of teen Trayvon Martin, who was shot by a neighborhood watchman in an Orlando suburb. Obama was unusually vocal about Martin's death, arguing that stereotypes about minority boys and men being dangerous make them more likely to face violence themselves. "Trayvon Martin could have been me 35 years ago," Obama told the press two years ago, recalling how he would hear car doors locking as he walked down the streets. "We need to spend some time in thinking about how do we bolster and reinforce our African-American boys."
The president will make the goals of My Brother's Keeper a major part of his post-presidency. ("This will remain a mission for me and for Michelle not just for the rest of my presidency but for the rest of my life," he said in May.) Private-sector leaders have formed an independent nonprofit, called the MBK Alliance, that will continue the work long after Obama leaves office.
The initiative comes at a time when police shootings of young black men have roiled race relations across the country and reignited a debate about how the criminal justice system treats people of color. Activists have started a movement that asserts "Black lives matter" — and have pressured presidential candidates to weigh in on the issue. Meanwhile, a recent poll found that most Americans believe race relations in the country are bad — a steep increase from 2009, right after Obama took office.
Broderick Johnson, cabinet secretary and chair of the My Brother's Keeper Task Force, says the White House has been pleased by how the initiative has drawn bipartisan support. Cities run by white Republican mayors, such as Indianapolis, have embraced the call and pledged to help young minority men succeed.
"My Brother's Keeper was not designed to be a panacea on race relations by any means, but there's no question that it's having an impact on getting people across the country to see the importance of investing in boys and young men of color, whether for economic reasons or moral considerations," Johnson said. "What the president is very clear about in the wake of Trayvon Martin and other things that have happened in communities across the country is that we can't leave folks behind in this society and we have to invest in them."
My Brother's Keeper urges the hundreds of communities that have signed on to the program to make specific action plans. It recommends mentorship programs, expanding access to preschool, which shows lifelong benefits in later employment, and also reducing the use of suspensions and expulsions in kindergarten and elementary school, which are disproportionately doled out to boys of color.
The program has come under fire for its focus on men to the exclusion of women. More than 1,000 women of color, including civil rights leader Anita Hill, signed a letter last year urging the president to include girls in the program. "We simply cannot agree that the effects of these conditions on women and girls should pale to the point of invisibility, and are of such little significance that they warrant zero attention in the messaging, research and resourcing of this unprecedented Initiative," the women wrote.
"We don't leave them out — I think that stems from a bit of a misunderstanding," Johnson said of girls and young women. He said that helping boys and young men of color helps girls too, because they face many of the same disparities.
"Nevertheless, the emphasis on boys and young men of color is quite deliberate because that's where I think the most startling and glaring gaps are," he added.
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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
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En l'espace de quelques heures, en moins de 24 heures, je viens de lire 3 postings différents, provenant d'autant de membres différents, qui pointent vers la défaillance du système d'éducation au Rwanda. Certains surnomment ironiquement les diplômes générés par ce système "Merci Kagame"! Rares sont les écoles, fussent-elles du tiers-monde, où les étudiants à la fin de leurs études seraient incapables de fonctionner dans d'autres écoles à l'étranger. Pourtant c'est la triste réalité actuelle au Rwanda. Pour ceux qui connaissent le fonctionnement des Nations-Unies, il est grand temps de dépêcher sur place un rapporteur spécial... L'UNESCO peut-être! Sibomana Jean Bosco. *DHR* BBC: Iyumvire uburyo Kagame na FPR bazambije uburezi mu Rwanda kuburyo ababyeyi bifite bahitamo kohereza abana babo hanze Libellés : Forums Peter Rwagasabo - 29 janv. à rwagasabo, (bcc:Democrac...
http://www.veritasinfo.fr/m/article-122363461.html Itangazo ry'inama yahuje amashyaka i Buruseli kuwa 01/02/2014 Nk'uko byari biteganyijwe, kuri uyu wa gatandatu tariki ya 01/02/2014, i Buruseli mu Bubiligi hateraniye inama y'amashyaka atavuga rumwe n'ubutegetsi bwa Perezida Paul Kagame. Ku mashyaka icumi yari yatumiwe, ayabonetse mu nama ni atandatu (60%), ari yo : 1. Forces Démocratiques Unifiées (FDU-Inkingi) ; 2. Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) ; 3. Pacte Démocratique du Peuple (PDP-Imanzi) ; 4. Parti pour la Démocratie au Rwanda (PDR-Ihumure) ; 5. Parti Social (PS-Imberakuri) ; 6. Rwandan Dream Initiative (RDI-Rwanda Rwiza). Ihuriro FCLR - Ubumwe naryo ryari rihagarariwe muri iyo nama. Mu gutangira inama, abayijemo batoye umuyobozi wayo. Bamaze gusuzuma no kwemeza umurongo w'ibyigwa, bemeje ko muri iki gihe, ubufatanye bw'amashyaka ya opposition ari ngombwa cyane ...
The FDLR Myth: How Rwanda Weaponises a Diminished Threat to Justify Occupation Investigation Exposes Contradictions in Rwanda's Security Narrative For over a decade, Rwanda has justified its military presence in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo by citing threats from the FDLR, a Hutu militia group linked to the 1994 genocide. But an investigation into FDLR's actual capabilities, Rwanda's military operations, and patterns of violence reveals a narrative that does not match reality. The FDLR threat, whilst real, has been systematically exaggerated and manipulated to justify objectives that have nothing to do with the militia group. Introduction The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) occupies a central position in Rwanda's justification for military intervention in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. For more than two decades, Rwandan authorities have portrayed the militia group as an existential threat requiring sustaine...
Kigali wants Washington to punish Congo too. But a ceasefire that leaves the occupier in place is not peace; it is occupation without noise. African lives are not worth less. African deaths are not normal. Western interests must never become a licence to kill African people. Introduction: A Familiar Complaint On 29 June 2026, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, sat before the cameras of France 24 and declared that his country was “disappointed by the increasingly biased US mediation” in the conflict with the Democratic Republic of Congo. He asked why sanctions had targeted only Rwanda. He called the measures unfair, one-sided and counterproductive. Weeks earlier, President Paul Kagame had told Jeune Afrique that sanctions and threats were insults thrown at Rwanda, and accused Washington of exerting heavy pressure on Rwanda while treating the DRC more delicately. The grievance sounds reasonable until you remember where you have heard it before. Since 2022, the Kr...
MASS KILLINGS OF HUTU BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER 1994 IN RWANDA, DRC AND UGANDA INTRODUCTION TO PART 2 Part 1 established the assassination of President Habyarimana, the Bruguière and Spanish investigations, Kagame's responsibility for starting the war, the Kigali massacres, challenges to the "genocide against the Tutsi only" narrative, and the need for UN framework revision. Part 2 documents specific mass killings of Hutu populations that have been systematically erased from history: the Kibeho massacre of 1995, the Byumba Stadium massacre of 1994, the hunting and slaughter of Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo from 1996 to 1997, killings in Uganda, and the pattern of political assassinations and property seizures. 2. THE KIBEHO MASSACRE (22 APRIL 1995) 2.1 The Camp and Its Population By April 1995, the Kibeho internally displaced persons camp in Gikongoro prefecture southwestern Rwanda held between 80,000 and 100,000...
Le 30 juin 2026, pour la première fois en cinquante-six ans d'existence de l'Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, les candidats au poste de Secrétaire général ont été auditionnés publiquement devant les ministres des Affaires étrangères des 53 États membres de plein droit, réunis en Conférence ministérielle extraordinaire à Paris. Parmi les quatre prétendants au mandat 2027-2030, qui sera attribué par les chefs d'État au XXe Sommet de la Francophonie à Phnom Penh les 15 et 16 novembre 2026, figure un profil inédit : Dacian Cioloș, ancien Premier ministre de Roumanie, ancien commissaire européen à l'Agriculture et ancien président du groupe Renew au Parlement européen, seul candidat non africain de la course. Cet article, premier d'une série de cinq consacrée aux auditions, analyse la prestation de M. Cioloș sur huit axes : la vision, l'innovation, le développement des communautés locales, la promotion de la langue française, les conflits et la s...
How Paul Kagame Uses Diplomats' "Bury Your Head in the Sand" Strategy as a Green Light to Continue Rwanda's War in the DRC Africa Realities Media | 17 July 2026 The purpose of this article is to expose a deliberate and systematic strategy: Paul Kagame's years-long practice of creating events — diplomatic dinners, RPF party meetings, genocide commemorations, international business forums and RPF Bureau Politique addresses — to which he invites foreign ambassadors and the world's business and political elite for one purpose: to explain, justify, and defend Rwanda's military invasion of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Everybody who follows this region knows the strategy now. The same narrative. The same arguments. The same defiance. At one event he tells the Trump Administration to go to hell. At the next he says those sanctioning him will leave power and he will remain. At the RPF Bureau Politique of 17 July 2026, he tells ambassadors that the on...
http://www.victoire-ingabire.com/Eng/victoires-quotes/ Victoire Ingabire's Speech and Quotes I agree that there was a genocide by Hutu extremists against the Tutsis, that is the reality. The people who did this need to face justice. But there were also other crimes against humanity, including the killing of Hutus. I don't believe in violence and war is not the solution to the problems that face this country. People say there's stability in Rwanda but this stability is based on repression … We need stability based on freedom. I don't understand how democratic countries can remain friends with a government that doesn't allow democracy. The democratic UK is supporting a dictatorship. Shall I die or live, be detained or released what we have achieved will not go back. This movement is stronger than me. Remanding me in captivity or silencing my voice can only postpone the revolution. It cannot stop the movement. Unity and Reconciliation Speech at Gisozi Genocide Memori...
La francophonie utile à l'épreuve des projets concrets Conseillère à la présidence mauritanienne, forte d'une longue expérience auprès de cinq chefs d'État successifs de son pays, Coumba Bâ porte la candidature de la Mauritanie au poste de Secrétaire général de la Francophonie, dont le titulaire du mandat 2027-2030 sera désigné par les chefs d'État au XXe Sommet de la Francophonie, prévu à Phnom Penh les 15 et 16 novembre 2026. Son audition publique du 30 juin 2026 à Paris, devant les ministres des Affaires étrangères des 53 États membres de plein droit, reposait sur un positionnement singulier : celui d'un pays carrefour, à la fois africain, arabe et sahélien, présenté comme un pont possible vers les États qui ont quitté l'organisation. Cet article, quatrième d'une série de cinq consacrée aux auditions, analyse sa prestation sur huit axes : la vision, l'innovation, le développement des communautés locales, la promotion de la langue française, les confli...
Africa Realities Media speaks to Africa and to the developed world. Many abuses facing African people are committed by African states and ruling elites, but they are often protected by international silence, lobbying, public relations, trade interests, migration deals and unequal global accountability. While governments pay lobbyists to present a good image abroad, ordinary African people continue to face violence, hunger, disease, poverty, repression and exclusion. We challenge the normalisation of African suffering and demand equal truth, equal justice and equal protection.
Pourquoi Africa Realities Media est différent?
Africa Realities Media s’adresse à l’Afrique et au monde développé. De nombreux abus subis par les peuples africains sont commis par des États africains et des élites dirigeantes, mais ils sont souvent protégés par le silence international, le lobbying, les relations publiques, les intérêts commerciaux, les accords migratoires et une responsabilité mondiale inégale. Tandis que des gouvernements paient des lobbyistes pour présenter une bonne image à l’étranger, des Africains ordinaires continuent de faire face à la violence, à la faim, aux maladies, à la pauvreté, à la répression et à l’exclusion. Nous contestons la normalisation de la souffrance africaine et exigeons une vérité égale, une justice égale et une protection égale.
Our work is designed to trigger debate, discomfort and action. We do not only expose injustice; we work for policy and systems change.
We want governments and institutions to address the root causes of inequality, disadvantage, discrimination, exclusion and barriers affecting African people. We believe lasting change must be shaped by people with lived experience.
Exposing Injustice in Africa
Africa Realities Media is an independent African accountability platform based in London. We report, analyse and challenge the systems that shape African suffering, silence African victims and protect abusive power.
We are not here to repeat diplomatic language. We are here to ask the questions that are often avoided: why are African deaths treated as normal? Why are African victims given less urgency? Why are governments that imprison, exclude, displace or kill their own people protected when they serve powerful international interests?
Africa Realities Media gives space to writers, researchers, experts, activists, community voices, campaigners, analysts and people with lived experience who want to contribute thoughtful, responsible and courageous content about the changes needed in the region, as well as the political, economic, cultural and social African realities that are often ignored, minimised or misrepresented.
Our articles and videos aim to encourage debate, raise awareness, stimulate critical thinking and support reflection. We seek to help people in the Great Lakes Region understand their rights to human rights, development and wellbeing, while also encouraging decision-makers to be more transparent, responsive and accountable.
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