[AfricaRealities.com] Fwd: No. 27790: Potemkin pluralism -- Eastern Region

AfricaFiles

Title: Potemkin pluralism
Author: Will Jones
Category: Eastern Region
Date: 6/1/2015
Source: Good Governance Africa
Source Website: http://gga.org

African Charter Article# 13: Every citizen shall have the right to participate freely in the government of their country and to equal access of public services .

Summary & Comment: For some the dream for prosperity is over in Rwanda, Paul Kagame or King Paul as some would love it has been substituting and eliminating potential successors. To prove it he is now seeking a third term office. Its hard to tell if the the right decisions will be made to keep the country on the right path. MM

http://gga.org/stories/editions/aif-32-shaky-foundations/potemkin-pluralism

On paper, Rwanda's constitution appears inclusive. In practice, it reinforces the ruling party's power.

Potemkin pluralism

Lip-service liberalism

Rwanda's 2003 constitution is considered one of Africa's most progressive. It calls for proportional representation, guarantees seats in its legislature to women, youth and the disabled, and transfers extensive power to local councils, among other broad-minded features. This east African nation is also home to one of the world's most tightly centralised ruling parties, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), headed by President Paul Kagame.

A liberal constitution and a single-party state do not sit comfortably together. Many observers brush aside this contradiction by claiming that constitutional rules and institutions do not matter in Rwanda. This is a cheap answer: it is not only false but relies on a willingness to accept dated and offensive stereotypes about African governance.

The RPF is not dominant despite its constitution, but in part, because of it. Rwanda has held seven elections since the 2003 constitutional referendum, which officially terminated the country's transitional period after the 1994 genocide.

The ruling party has easily won each election. Measured in technocratic terms, these polls have been punctual and organised competently. In contrast to other states with tarnished democratic reputations, large-scale protest or violence has not marred Rwanda's election-day voting, ballot counting or aftermath.

While commentators disagree on the extent of electoral violence and malpractice, they agree that three factors delineate the assaults and misconduct.

First, this violence is targeted against a comparatively tiny set of opposition activists and RPF defectors, rather than the general population.

Second, the violence has never descended into wide-ranging lawlessness and chaos, such as followed Kenya's 2007 poll; and third, the RPF would have won by a crushing margin with or without manipulating the vote.

Like many democracies, Rwanda has a staggered electoral cycle. Members of Rwanda's Senate serve eight years while the president serves seven. National representatives of the bicameral parliament's Chamber of Deputies serve five-year terms.

But only the president and 53 of the 80-seat lower house legislators are elected by popular vote. Other groups select the 27 remaining deputies: the Electoral College of the provinces chooses 24 women, while the National Youth Council picks two; the Federation of the Associations of the Disabled selects one.
All 26 members of the Senate are appointed.

This complex system of direct and indirect national elections is meant to widen inclusion for different groups. Instead, this obscure and convoluted scheme narrows the prospects for ordinary citizens to monitor the government, in five ways.

First, Rwanda's 11 registered parties select their candidates for their national lists behind closed doors. The constitution does not require open-party competition. As a result, accusations of corruption and collusion taint this system.

This closely guarded candidate selection strips it of accountability or independence from ruling-party control. "The ability to manipulate the electoral college directly or indirectly, using political and social shrewdness coupled with government political 'godfathering', ensured that the right candidates obtained desired results," wrote Rwandan political scientist David Kiwuwa in his 2012 book, "Ethnic Politics and Democratic Transition in Rwanda".

Second, almost all legislators lack specific geographic constituencies. Regional conflict (classically, between the north and the south, and increasingly between Kigali, the capital, and everywhere else) has historically undermined peace and stability in Rwanda. To ensure harmony, the constitution mandates that a majority of national parliamentarians do not represent regions. The only parliamentarians with geographical constituencies are 12 senators and 24 deputies, who are appointed by provincial and sectorial councils.

This proportionality makes the system appear pluralist, which serves the interest of the ruling elite. It is important for Mr Kagame that external supporters, donors and internal critics regard Rwanda as an inclusive democracy. Ironically, if a first-past-the-post electoral system were in place, it is almost certain that the RPF would have won 100% of the seats in all past legislative elections. This, though, would have revealed the reality of RPF hegemony and unmasked the state's democratic façade.

Third, this national system weakens small parties. If the system were based on clearly defined electoral districts, small parties could concentrate on building regional constituencies, which is cheaper and easier. This would have benefitted the Liberal and Social Democratic Parties (PL and PSD), which have traditional support bases in the educated middle classes of the south.

Instead, the current system mandates that any party must exceed 5% of the national vote to achieve representation in the lower house. This shuts out small parties and encourages them to cooperate rather than compete with the ruling party.

Fourth, the national-list centralised approach makes it easier to manipulate the vote on election day. For instance, during the 2008 vote count, the EU and Umuseso, a weekly newspaper, reported that observers at polling stations were certain that neither the PL nor the PSD had passed the 5% threshold. In the end, the parties received 7.5% and 13.1% respectively.

The RPF may even have reverse-rigged the results to make the vote tallies look more plural. Only national results, and not local vote counts, are published. This makes it onerous to verify deviations between the local count and the national totals. This not only makes it difficult to detect fraud. It also grants small parties a limited place in the system, making them dependent on the RPF.

Fifth, appointed members to the parliament entrench incumbent supremacy. As mentioned earlier, only 53 of the lower house's 80 seats are elected by popular vote. Other groups select the remaining 27 women, youth and disabled deputies. Election to the 26-seat senate is even more complex: 12 represent provincial government councils and two represent academic institutions. The president nominates eight, while the official forum of political parties selects four.

In practice, these posts are rarely contested and the selecting groups follow the ruling party's dictates. Even where competition formally exists, it is doubtful that the contest is truly genuine.
This indirect and murky election process reduces the bicameral parliament's accountability and increases the central elite's power. The political parties' forum has the authority to dismiss parliamentarians, even elected ones, a right it has used to sack a significant proportion of legislators before their terms ended. Between the 2003 and 2008 elections, the forum replaced 14 deputies, approximately 25% of the lower house. This has the obvious effect of removing any dissenting voices and ensuring that as few as possible manifest in the first place, according to a July 2009 paper by the Global Institute of German and Area studies, a Hamburg-based research organisation.

The upshot is that Rwanda's parliament is not a viable check on the president's power. Far from being a country where the constitution is ignored to maintain the ruling party's dominance, here the legal charter reinforces this executive control.

Mr Kagame's second and last constitutionally mandated term is due to end in 2017. Many critics of Rwanda's authoritarian regime have pinned their hopes on his departure. Regime opponents are already trying to head off attempts to amend the constitution to allow him a third term, as Uganda's president, Yoweri Museveni, accomplished in 2005. This reflects an understandable tendency to focus on the personalities and actions of particular individuals, which are always more dramatic than the minutiae of constitutional rules. But to build a genuinely pluralist Rwanda, forget who occupies the government. Instead, fix the structure.

Normal 0 false false false EN-ZA X-NONE X-NONE

Will Jones is a junior research fellow in politics at Balliol College, University of Oxford. His research is on illiberal states in Africa, particularly Rwanda and Zimbabwe.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the AfricaFiles' editors and network members. They are included in our material as a reflection of a diversity of views and a variety of issues. Material written specifically for AfricaFiles may be edited for length, clarity or inaccuracies.

AfricaFiles - solidarity and justice for Africa
300 Bloor St. West, Room 21
Toronto, ON M5S 1W3, Canada.
Email: info@africafiles.org
Website: www.africafiles.org
Social media: Facebook, Podcast, Twitter.

__._,_.___

Posted by: Africa Realities <africarealities@gmail.com>

Reply via web post

•

Reply to sender

•

Reply to group

•

Start a New Topic

•

Messages in this topic (1)

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

-----------------------------------------------------------
Post message: AfricaRealities@yahoogroups.com
Subscribe: AfricaRealities-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
Unsubscribe: AfricaRealities-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
List owner: AfricaRealities-owner@yahoogroups.com
__________________________________________________________________

Please consider the environment before printing this email or any attachments.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-http://www.africarealities.com/

-https://www.facebook.com/africarealities

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-New International Scholarships opportunities: http://www.scholarshipsgate.com
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Find Friends in Africa:
http://www.africanaffection.com
http://www.datinginafrica.com/
http://www.foraha.net
https://www.facebook.com/onlinedatinginafrica

Visit Your Group

• Privacy • Unsubscribe • Terms of Use

__,_._,___

Comments

Africa Realities Media offre un espace aux écrivains, chercheurs, experts, activistes, voix communautaires, militants, analystes et personnes ayant une expérience vécue qui souhaitent contribuer à des contenus réfléchis, responsables et courageux sur les changements nécessaires dans la région des Grands Lacs, ainsi que sur les réalités politiques, économiques, culturelles et sociales africaines souvent ignorées, minimisées ou mal représentées. Nos articles et vidéos visent à ouvrir le débat, renforcer la sensibilisation, encourager la pensée critique et favoriser une réflexion plus profonde sur les réalités vécues par les populations africaines. Nous voulons aider les peuples de la région des Grands Lacs à mieux comprendre leurs droits, notamment leurs droits humains, leur droit au développement, leur droit à la dignité, à la sécurité, au bien-être et à une vie meilleure. À travers nos contenus, nous cherchons également à rappeler aux décideurs, aux institutions publiques, aux acteurs régionaux et internationaux, ainsi qu’aux responsables politiques, leur devoir de transparence, de responsabilité et de redevabilité envers les populations qu’ils prétendent servir. Notre objectif est de contribuer à une culture de vérité, de justice, de participation citoyenne et de protection égale pour tous les peuples africains.

Why Africa Realities Media Is Different

Africa Realities Media speaks to Africa and to the developed world. Many abuses facing African people are committed by African states and ruling elites, but they are often protected by international silence, lobbying, public relations, trade interests, migration deals and unequal global accountability. While governments pay lobbyists to present a good image abroad, ordinary African people continue to face violence, hunger, disease, poverty, repression and exclusion. We challenge the normalisation of African suffering and demand equal truth, equal justice and equal protection.

Pourquoi Africa Realities Media est différent?

Africa Realities Media s’adresse à l’Afrique et au monde développé. De nombreux abus subis par les peuples africains sont commis par des États africains et des élites dirigeantes, mais ils sont souvent protégés par le silence international, le lobbying, les relations publiques, les intérêts commerciaux, les accords migratoires et une responsabilité mondiale inégale. Tandis que des gouvernements paient des lobbyistes pour présenter une bonne image à l’étranger, des Africains ordinaires continuent de faire face à la violence, à la faim, aux maladies, à la pauvreté, à la répression et à l’exclusion. Nous contestons la normalisation de la souffrance africaine et exigeons une vérité égale, une justice égale et une protection égale.

Exposing Injustice in Africa

Africa Realities Media is an independent African accountability platform based in London. We report, analyse and challenge the systems that shape African suffering, silence African victims and protect abusive power. We are not here to repeat diplomatic language. We are here to ask the questions that are often avoided: why are African deaths treated as normal? Why are African victims given less urgency? Why are governments that imprison, exclude, displace or kill their own people protected when they serve powerful international interests?

Africa Realities Media gives space to writers, researchers, experts, activists, community voices, campaigners, analysts and people with lived experience who want to contribute thoughtful, responsible and courageous content about the changes needed in the region, as well as the political, economic, cultural and social African realities that are often ignored, minimised or misrepresented. Our articles and videos aim to encourage debate, raise awareness, stimulate critical thinking and support reflection. We seek to help people in the Great Lakes Region understand their rights to human rights, development and wellbeing, while also encouraging decision-makers to be more transparent, responsive and accountable.

Appel à contributions

Sensibilisez le public aux causes qui vous tiennent à cœur. Prenez part au changement que vous souhaitez voir émerger. Aidez à combattre l’injustice partout où elle se manifeste.

Africa Realities Media accueille des articles originaux, analyses, tribunes, réflexions communautaires et commentaires fondés sur des faits concernant la région des Grands Lacs africains, ainsi que les questions liées à la justice, aux droits humains, à la gouvernance, aux conflits, à la paix, aux réfugiés, aux ressources naturelles et à la responsabilité publique en Afrique.

Nous accueillons également les annonces concernant de nouvelles ou d’anciennes publications liées à nos domaines d’intérêt. Vous pouvez annoncer gratuitement votre publication, notamment un livre, un rapport, une étude, un article académique ou tout autre travail pertinent.

Les articles doivent être rédigés en anglais ou en français et ne doivent pas dépasser 1 500 mots.

Veuillez inclure le nom complet de l’auteur, qui sera publié avec l’article s’il est accepté.

Avant de soumettre votre article, veuillez d’abord lire nos pages du site web afin de vérifier si votre article correspond à nos priorités éditoriales, à nos thèmes et à nos domaines d’intérêt.

Si vous avez un article, un commentaire ou une annonce de publication à partager avec un public plus large, veuillez l’envoyer par email à :

africarealitiesmedia@gmail.com

Nous étudierons la possibilité de publier gratuitement les articles et annonces de publications appropriés s’ils répondent à nos critères éditoriaux, notamment la pertinence, la clarté, l’originalité, l’intérêt public, le respect des communautés concernées et l’utilisation responsable des informations et des preuves.

Les articles sont publiés tels qu’ils sont soumis s’ils répondent à nos critères et à notre politique éditoriale. Nous ne procédons pas à une modification supplémentaire de votre article avant sa publication.

Africa Realities Media

Search This Blog

Latest Analysis

Category Posts