Skip to main content

About Africa Realities Media

Latest Analysis

Independent analysis, commentary and investigations on Africa, the Great Lakes Region and international accountability.

[RwandaLibre] The Guardian @Father Célestin Hakizimana % Catholic pastoral centre of St Paul.

 

Chaplains of the Militia: Guardian Shorts ebook extract

800,000 people died in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. This is an extract
from Chaplains of the Militia - the account of the part played by one
institution with more responsibility than most. The church.

theguardian.com, Tuesday 15 April 2014 06.04 EDT
Chaplains of the Militia Photograph: Adam Jones (CC BY-SA 2.0)/Guardian Shorts

The refugees didn't blame Father Wenceslas for not being able to
protect them. They accused him of failing to try and of openly
collaborating with the killers.

The international tribunal's long indictment of Father Wenceslas says
he is 'individually responsible for the crime of Genocide because he
planned, instigated, committed or otherwise aided and abetted others
in planning, preparation or execution of the crime by virtue of his
position.'

It says he deliberately inflicted on Tutsi civilians 'conditions of
life calculated to bring about their physical destruction' and that he
worked in league with 'government, political and military leaders',
naming Renzaho, Nyirabagenzi and Mukandutiye among them.

The indictment says the priest helped identify Tutsi civilians in the
church 'knowing that they were targeted for killing' and then
attempted to cover up the killings by instructing Tutsi refugees to
hide the bodies from the UN and journalists.

ICTR prosecutors say that after Father Wenceslas fled Rwanda he was
heard justifying 'the handing over of Tutsis to the Interahamwe' and
continued to call the victims inyenzi.

The Tutsis in the St Famille did not have to look very far for an
example of a very different kind of priest. Next door to the church is
the Catholic pastoral centre of St Paul. Its warren of single storey
rooms around a large gardens was also packed with several thousand
refugees, Tutsi and Hutu, at the height of the genocide.

The priest in charge of St Paul was Father Célestin Hakizimana.

'I would stand in front of the Interahamwe. They had dozens of
grenades. All the refugees would be cowering in their rooms, none in
sight. When they used to come I always tried to be on the main gate in
my robes. They would say: "Priest, we know you have inyenzi here. Give
us your list of refugees"'.

Célestin did have a list but he left off the names of those he knew
were most wanted by the Interahamwe. They included men who went on to
prominent positions in the post-genocide government but also an
ordinary driver. 'I didn't register the names of the people I knew
were very much wanted. I made up names.'

Sometimes the militia broke through and dragged off people to murder.
But whereas the survivors of the St Famille have little to say that is
good about Father Wenceslas, those in the St Paul centre praise the
courage of Father Célestin even though he was not able to save
everyone's life.

One day, Célestin was summoned to a meeting with Kigali's mayor and
Interahamwe leaders, including Angéline Mukandutiye. He found
Wenceslas waiting too. Father Célestin said the group berated him for
protecting 'the inyenzi'.

The next day, Interahamwe militiamen forced their way into the St Paul
centre and rounded up about 100 people. Célestin snatched all the cash
he could find and began to buy lives.

Some of the Interahamwe were very drunk. They grew increasingly
agitated that so many Tutsis were slipping through their fingers.
Father Célestin saved 60 people by the time the money ran out.

Devastated, he realised he could no longer stop the Interahamwe. The
militia removed 40 Tutsis, all were murdered. Yet, by the end of the
genocide, the priest had saved hundreds of lives.

Father Célestin said he had his own run ins with Wenceslas. The two
trained together and he felt he could speak frankly as he berated his
fellow priest for calling the Tutsis inyenzi and for identifying to
the militia those who requested to be evacuated to the rebel zone.

Father Célestin said he asked Father Wenceslas: 'What are you doing?
Don't you know these people will be killed if the lorries don't come?
Are you trying to get them killed?'

The other priest walked away.

Father Célestin said that when he strongly criticised Father Wenceslas
for wearing a gun and flak jacket, the priest was sanguine: 'It's OK,
I want to defend myself against your inyenzi friends.'

'I don't know why he did what he did,' Father Célestin told me. 'I
blame him for three things. The language. Calling Tutsis inyenzi when
he spoke to the Interahamwe. I blame him for his friendship with
officials and soldiers. He would drink beer with them in front of the
refugees. And I blame him for putting on a gun and a military uniform.
All of this was a sin against God.'

Father Célestin made another observation about his fellow priest.

'During the war he would curse Tutsis but he would hide some Tutsis.'
Father Wenceslas did indeed save some Tutsis. The other refugees in
the church eyed them with envy and sorrow. They had access to food and
water, and could protect their families as well as themselves. But at
a price.

Survivors said that some women and girls were offered their lives in
return for sex.

Among those who bowed to the pressure was a young woman called Agnes.
I met her a couple of years after the genocide. She described the
priest stopping to talk to her at the back of the church and inviting
her to his rooms. She had been there long enough to interpret the
invitation as a threat.

'I knew where his room was. I went there and waited on the steps.
There were other girls. I asked them what I should do. They said that
if I wanted to live then I had better do what the priest wanted. They
told me what would happen. One of them asked me if I had ever done it
before. I said "no", I was only 16. I asked her how a priest could do
such a thing. They said God has forgotten us.'

Agnes returned to her mother when the priest released her. She sat
weeping on the pew. Her mother said prayers. Father Wenceslas later
gave the teenager and her mother food.

A succession of young women tramped to the priest's quarters. At other
times, when the rebel shelling got too close to the church, he would
take one or two of them and head to a nearby hotel.

Some women said they were able to get their families evacuated by
submitting to Father Wenceslas but those who refused his advances
returned to the mass of refugees with a mark against them.

One of those who viewed the priest's exploitation of the desperate
situation of young women was Rose Rwanga.

'Father Wenceslas would stop and talk to the Tutsi girls. If they went
to his rooms they were eventually evacuated. Those who refused were
not evacuated. It was no secret that he was sleeping with them. You
could see them go to him at night,' she said.

One of those the priest propositioned was Rose's daughter, Hyacinthe.
'She told me what he wanted. She refused.'

The UN launched another rescue mission in mid-June. It passed off much
like the earlier one, with the priest and the Interahamwe taunting
those who left and threatening Tutsis who did not get away.

Hours later, the RPF launched its own rescue mission in the middle of
the night to save the refugees at St Famille and St Paul. The rebel
soldiers helped many of the Tutsis in St Paul to get across the front
line to safety. But the refugees in St Famille, thinking the
Interahamwe was outside, refused to open the heavy wooden doors.

The next day the militia and Father Wenceslas, already furious that
Tutsis had escaped in the UN convoy, raged over the RPF raid.
Survivors said the priest warned that the militia was coming to get
them. Shortly afterwards, the Interahamwe flooded into the church, led
by the schools inspector, Angéline Mukandutiye, who, according to
survivors and the international tribunal indictment, Father Wenceslas
was consulting with ahead of killings.

She climbed onto the tabernacle to get a better view of potential
victims. One of those called forward to die was Jean-Claude Rwabakika,
who arrived at the church after his parents were murdered. The
Interahamwe took him outside and shot him.

'The shooting went on for a long time. They shot us one by one,' he
said. 'The bullet hit me in the neck and I collapsed unconscious to
the ground. The bullet went straight through my flesh and didn't stay
inside me.'

After the militia left, fellow refugees dragged the unconscious
Jean-Claude into the church and bandaged his wound.

The militia also tried to grab Aimable Uwurukundo.

'I saw them calling people one by one. I realised there was nothing
else to do but start running. We went over a large wall next to St
Paul. It was difficult for the killers to follow. They were loaded
down by their guns.'

Another name called was Rose Rwanga's daughter, Hyacinthe.

'My daughter pleaded with Wenceslas Munyeshyaka to hide her. He
refused. I'm sure it's because she refused his propositions. He could
have saved her like he saved other girls.'

'My only daughter was shot dead next to me.'

Father Wenceslas arranged a funeral for the young woman. Rose
describes the service as 'crocodile tears' on his part.

Rose Rwanga accuses Father Wenceslas of a direct hand in her
daughter's death. So does the International Criminal Tribunal for
Rwanda, saying in its indictment of the priest that he 'instigated an
Interahamwe to kill a Tutsi girl named Hyacinthe Rwanga'.

This is an edited extract from Chaplains of the Militia: The tangled
story of the Catholic church during Rwanda's genocide

by Chris McGreal (Guardian Shorts £1.99 / $2.99)

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&hl=en-CA&u=http://www.theguardian.com/news/2014/apr/15/chaplains-of-the-militia-guardian-shorts-ebook-extract&source=s&q=hakizimana+celestin

--
SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
Google+: https://plus.google.com/110493390983174363421/posts
YouTube Channel: http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL9B4024D0AE764F3D
http://www.youtube.com/user/sibomanaxyz999
***Online Time:15H30-20H30, heure de Montréal.***Fuseau horaire
domestique: heure normale de la côte Est des Etats-Unis et Canada
(GMT-05:00)***

__._,_.___
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=--=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
.To post a message: RwandaLibre@yahoogroups.com; .To join: RwandaLibre-subscribe@yahoogroups.com; .To unsubscribe from this group,send an email to:
RwandaLibre-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
_____________________________________________________

More news:  http://www.amakurunamateka.com ; http://www.ikangurambaga.com ; http://rwandalibre.blogspot.co.uk
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-SVP, considérer  environnement   avant toute  impression de  cet e-mail ou les pièces jointes.
======
-Please consider the environment before printing this email or any attachments.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Sponsors:

http://www.afriqueintimites.com; http://www.afriqueintimites.com;
http://www.eyumbina.com/; http://www.foraha.net/
-=-=-=--=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-==-
.

__,_._,___

Comments

Support Our Work Now !

Africa Realities Media is independent. Your support helps us expose injustice, challenge silence and produce evidence-based analysis on Africa and the Great Lakes Region.

Recent Posts

Show more
Africa Realities Media offre un espace aux écrivains, chercheurs, experts, activistes, voix communautaires, militants, analystes et personnes ayant une expérience vécue qui souhaitent contribuer à des contenus réfléchis, responsables et courageux sur les changements nécessaires dans la région des Grands Lacs, ainsi que sur les réalités politiques, économiques, culturelles et sociales africaines souvent ignorées, minimisées ou mal représentées. Nos articles et vidéos visent à ouvrir le débat, renforcer la sensibilisation, encourager la pensée critique et favoriser une réflexion plus profonde sur les réalités vécues par les populations africaines. Nous voulons aider les peuples de la région des Grands Lacs à mieux comprendre leurs droits, notamment leurs droits humains, leur droit au développement, leur droit à la dignité, à la sécurité, au bien-être et à une vie meilleure. À travers nos contenus, nous cherchons également à rappeler aux décideurs, aux institutions publiques, aux acteurs régionaux et internationaux, ainsi qu’aux responsables politiques, leur devoir de transparence, de responsabilité et de redevabilité envers les populations qu’ils prétendent servir. Notre objectif est de contribuer à une culture de vérité, de justice, de participation citoyenne et de protection égale pour tous les peuples africains.

Why We Exist

Many abuses facing African people are committed by African states, ruling elites, armed groups, military forces and security services. But these abuses are often sustained by international silence, Western lobbying, trade interests, migration deals, mineral access, diplomatic partnerships and unequal global accountability. Africa Realities Media exposes that system.

Lived Experience Matters

Survivors, displaced communities, refugees, families affected by repression, journalists, activists, women, young people and diaspora voices are not passive subjects. They are knowledge holders. Their experiences must shape policy, advocacy, journalism and public debate. The people closest to injustice are often closest to the solutions.

Our Principle

Africa Realities Media is rooted in one principle: African lives deserve equal truth, equal justice and equal protection.

Popular Posts

THE BATTLE OF RUBAYA: Rwanda's War for Minerals Exposed

T he FDLR Pretext Collapses Under the Weight of Documented Plunder   Introduction: A Battle That Tells the Truth When Rwandan-backed RDF/M23 forces fought with extraordinary ferocity to seize and hold Rubaya — a remote mining town in North Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo — the stated justification was security. Kigali's consistent public line has been that its military presence in the DRC is a response to the threat posed by the Forces Democratiques de Liberation du Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group whose leaders include individuals linked to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. This narrative has been accepted, qualified, or left insufficiently challenged by Western governments and multilateral institutions for over a decade. The Battle of Rubaya strips that narrative bare. What unfolded in Rubaya was not a counter-insurgency operation against genocidal remnants. It was a sustained military campaign — reinforced by the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF), prosecuted at sign...

Rwanda’s Major John Sengati assassinated in Gitarama, Rwanda

http://www.inyenyerinews.org/amakuru-2/rwandas-major-john-sengati-assassinated-in-gitarama-rwanda/ Rwanda's Major John Sengati assassinated in Gitarama, Rwanda May 12, 2013  by  Rwema IT Webmaster   Leave a Comment By: Jennifer Fierberg Rwandans are saddened by the death of Major John Sengati who was assassinated in Gitarama (appx 50km from Kigali) on May 10th, 2013. John Sengati was a retired Major, and ADC to Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa from 1993 to 2001. After Gen Kayumba went to UK to further his studies, Major John Sengati was appointed Commanding Officer (C.O.) of Garrison Force that was in charge of the security to VIPs under the Ministry of Defense. Around 2007, he went to study at Kigali Institute of Technology (KIST) while he was still an active member of the RDF. According to local  reports , in 2009 Major Sengati's land was redistributed in Karama to local residents. Around 2010 he was forced to retire from the army, because he was considered to be loyal and ...

Desperate Kagame: Where Does He Go From Here—and What Comes Next?

  How Paul Kagame Uses Diplomats' "Bury Your Head in the Sand" Strategy as a Green Light to Continue Rwanda's War in the DRC Africa Realities Media   |   17 July 2026 The purpose of this article is to expose a deliberate and systematic strategy: Paul Kagame's years-long practice of creating events — diplomatic dinners, RPF party meetings, genocide commemorations, international business forums and RPF Bureau Politique addresses — to which he invites foreign ambassadors and the world's business and political elite for one purpose: to explain, justify, and defend Rwanda's military invasion of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Everybody who follows this region knows the strategy now. The same narrative. The same arguments. The same defiance. At one event he tells the Trump Administration to go to hell. At the next he says those sanctioning him will leave power and he will remain. At the RPF Bureau Politique of 17 July 2026, he tells ambassadors that the on...

The Kagame Myth: Western Power, Private Jets and Rwanda’s Controlled Reality

  ANALYSIS AND INVESTIGATION Introduction: The Myth and the Man Behind the Myth There is a version of Paul Kagame that exists in the conference halls of Davos, in the pages of Western magazines, in private hotel meetings in London, Paris and Washington, and on the sleeves of European football shirts. In this version, Kagame is a visionary. A builder. A disciplined African moderniser. A leader who pulled a broken country from the ashes of genocide and turned it into what admirers often call the “Singapore of Africa”. In this version, Rwanda is clean, efficient, safe, investment-friendly and orderly. Kagame is presented as the African leader the West wants to believe in: controlled, polished, pro-market, security-focused and comfortable in elite Western spaces. Then there is the Rwanda that many Rwandans, exiles, journalists, opposition figures and human rights organisations describe. In this Rwanda, YouTubers and online commentators are jailed for what they say. Critics die in custo...

The FDLR Myth: How Rwanda Weaponises a Diminished Threat to Justify Occupation

The FDLR Myth: How Rwanda Weaponises a Diminished Threat to Justify Occupation Investigation Exposes Contradictions in Rwanda's Security Narrative For over a decade, Rwanda has justified its military presence in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo by citing threats from the FDLR, a Hutu militia group linked to the 1994 genocide. But an investigation into FDLR's actual capabilities, Rwanda's military operations, and patterns of violence reveals a narrative that does not match reality. The FDLR threat, whilst real, has been systematically exaggerated and manipulated to justify objectives that have nothing to do with the militia group. Introduction The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) occupies a central position in Rwanda's justification for military intervention in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. For more than two decades, Rwandan authorities have portrayed the militia group as an existential threat requiring sustaine...

[RwandaLibre] Re: *DHR* A qui François Hollande téléphone-t-il? Et qui reçoit-il à l'Elysée?

  Ndabona mu bo Francois Hollande avugana n'abo Kagame wenyine niwe utarimo. Nimwisomere namwe:  http://www.slate.fr/story/90909/hollande-telephone-politique-etrangere#xtor=RSS-2 From: "Samuel Desire sam4des@yahoo.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> To: DHR <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>; Rwandalibre Group <rwandalibre@yahoogroups.com> Sent: Tuesday, 12 August 2014, 21:08 Subject: *DHR* A qui François Hollande téléphone-t-il? Et qui reçoit-il à l'Elysée?   A qui François Hollande téléphone-t-il? Et qui reçoit-il à l'Elysée? [VISUALISATION]   http://www.slate.fr/story/90909/hollande-telephone-politique-etrangere#xtor=RSS-2 Envoyé par : Samuel Desire <sam4des@yahoo.com> ...

The Aggressor’s Complaint: Why Rwanda’s “Biased” US Sanctions Argument Echoes Russia

Kigali wants Washington to punish Congo too. But a ceasefire that leaves the occupier in place is not peace; it is occupation without noise. African lives are not worth less. African deaths are not normal. Western interests must never become a licence to kill African people. Introduction: A Familiar Complaint On 29 June 2026, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, sat before the cameras of France 24 and declared that his country was “disappointed by the increasingly biased US mediation” in the conflict with the Democratic Republic of Congo. He asked why sanctions had targeted only Rwanda. He called the measures unfair, one-sided and counterproductive. Weeks earlier, President Paul Kagame had told Jeune Afrique that sanctions and threats were insults thrown at Rwanda, and accused Washington of exerting heavy pressure on Rwanda while treating the DRC more delicately. The grievance sounds reasonable until you remember where you have heard it before. Since 2022, the Kr...

The Empire of Kagame’s Global Friends: The Powerful Network Behind His International Protection

This article identifies the central obstacle to accountability for Paul Kagame’s actions in Rwanda and the Great Lakes region: the powerful global network of political leaders, former presidents, diplomats, philanthropists, religious figures, businesspeople, international institutions, sporting organisations, advisers and paid lobbyists that has promoted, legitimised, defended and protected him for three decades. This is a problem-identification article. It asks why Kagame has remained internationally influential and protected despite serious and extensively documented allegations concerning Rwanda’s military actions in the Democratic Republic of Congo, political repression, extraterritorial operations, mineral exploitation and the treatment of political opponents, journalists and critics. The answer is that Kagame has built an international network that gives him political access, diplomatic protection, commercial partnerships, institutional legitimacy, favourable media coverage, ...

Kagame’s Global Protection Network: Lobbying, Silence and Western Complicity: From 1990 to 2026.

Kagame’s Global Protection Network: Lobbying, Silence and Western Complicity: From 1990 to  2026.     More at:  https://www.africarealities. com/2026/07/the-empire-of- kagames-global-friends.html

French State-Sponsored Racism Without Limits Against the Hutu in France.

French State-Sponsored Racism Without Limits Against the Hutu in France France does not simply remember the Rwanda genocide. It owns it. For three decades, the French state has sponsored and enforced a racist political order — criminalising Hutu identity, silencing African expertise, enforcing a one-sided judicial record and reproducing the same ethnic hierarchy Belgium imposed on Rwanda under colonialism. This is not a failure of memory. It is state-sponsored racism without limits, dressed in the language of historical accountability. African lives are not worth less. African deaths are not normal. Western interests must never become a licence to kill African people. Introduction: Racism as Policy The genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda was real. Between April and July 1994, following an invasion of Rwanda launched by the RPF from Uganda on 1 October 1990, initially under the command of Major-General Fred Rwigyema and subsequently led by Paul Kagame after Rwigyema was killed ...

Why Africa Realities Media Is Different

Africa Realities Media speaks to Africa and to the developed world. Many abuses facing African people are committed by African states and ruling elites, but they are often protected by international silence, lobbying, public relations, trade interests, migration deals and unequal global accountability. While governments pay lobbyists to present a good image abroad, ordinary African people continue to face violence, hunger, disease, poverty, repression and exclusion. We challenge the normalisation of African suffering and demand equal truth, equal justice and equal protection.

Pourquoi Africa Realities Media est différent?

Africa Realities Media s’adresse à l’Afrique et au monde développé. De nombreux abus subis par les peuples africains sont commis par des États africains et des élites dirigeantes, mais ils sont souvent protégés par le silence international, le lobbying, les relations publiques, les intérêts commerciaux, les accords migratoires et une responsabilité mondiale inégale. Tandis que des gouvernements paient des lobbyistes pour présenter une bonne image à l’étranger, des Africains ordinaires continuent de faire face à la violence, à la faim, aux maladies, à la pauvreté, à la répression et à l’exclusion. Nous contestons la normalisation de la souffrance africaine et exigeons une vérité égale, une justice égale et une protection égale.

BBC News

Policy and Systems Change

Our work is designed to trigger debate, discomfort and action. We do not only expose injustice; we work for policy and systems change. We want governments and institutions to address the root causes of inequality, disadvantage, discrimination, exclusion and barriers affecting African people. We believe lasting change must be shaped by people with lived experience.

Exposing Injustice in Africa

Africa Realities Media is an independent African accountability platform based in London. We report, analyse and challenge the systems that shape African suffering, silence African victims and protect abusive power. We are not here to repeat diplomatic language. We are here to ask the questions that are often avoided: why are African deaths treated as normal? Why are African victims given less urgency? Why are governments that imprison, exclude, displace or kill their own people protected when they serve powerful international interests?

Africanews

Africa Realities Media gives space to writers, researchers, experts, activists, community voices, campaigners, analysts and people with lived experience who want to contribute thoughtful, responsible and courageous content about the changes needed in the region, as well as the political, economic, cultural and social African realities that are often ignored, minimised or misrepresented. Our articles and videos aim to encourage debate, raise awareness, stimulate critical thinking and support reflection. We seek to help people in the Great Lakes Region understand their rights to human rights, development and wellbeing, while also encouraging decision-makers to be more transparent, responsive and accountable.

Recent Posts

Appel à contributions

Sensibilisez le public aux causes qui vous tiennent à cœur. Prenez part au changement que vous souhaitez voir émerger. Aidez à combattre l'injustice partout où elle se manifeste.

Africa Realities Media accueille des articles originaux, analyses, tribunes, réflexions communautaires et commentaires fondés sur des faits concernant la région des Grands Lacs africains, ainsi que les questions liées à la justice, aux droits humains, à la gouvernance, aux conflits, à la paix, aux réfugiés, aux ressources naturelles et à la responsabilité publique en Afrique.

Nous accueillons également les annonces concernant de nouvelles ou d'anciennes publications liées à nos domaines d'intérêt. Vous pouvez annoncer gratuitement votre publication, notamment un livre, un rapport, une étude, un article académique ou tout autre travail pertinent.

Les articles doivent être rédigés en anglais ou en français et ne doivent pas dépasser 1 500 mots.

Veuillez inclure le nom complet de l'auteur, qui sera publié avec l'article s'il est accepté.

Avant de soumettre votre article, veuillez d'abord lire nos pages du site web afin de vérifier si votre article correspond à nos priorités éditoriales, à nos thèmes et à nos domaines d'intérêt.

Si vous avez un article, un commentaire ou une annonce de publication à partager avec un public plus large, veuillez l'envoyer par email à :

africarealitiesmedia@gmail.com

Nous étudierons la possibilité de publier gratuitement les articles et annonces de publications appropriés s'ils répondent à nos critères éditoriaux, notamment la pertinence, la clarté, l'originalité, l'intérêt public, le respect des communautés concernées et l'utilisation responsable des informations et des preuves.

Les articles sont publiés tels qu'ils sont soumis s'ils répondent à nos critères et à notre politique éditoriale. Nous ne procédons pas à une modification supplémentaire de votre article avant sa publication.