Skip to main content

Latest Analysis

Independent analysis, commentary and investigations on Africa, the Great Lakes Region and international accountability.

Being Minister in Rwanda is a Kiss of Death


  • 1

Still Astonished by What Happens in Rwanda?…Then you should be astonished by your astonishment

Monique Mukaruliza, ex-minister seeking forgivenessMonique Mukaruliza, the recently-fired Rwandan minister, seeking forgiveness

By Dr David Himbara

The above photograph shows Monique Mukaruliza, the recently-fired Rwandan minister, seeking forgiveness; fellow ministers are looking on with anxiety – we return to this matter below. We begin with a broader matter – Rwanda is today subject to what one could term the 'law of diminishing astonishment.' Nothing is shocking anymore. Rather, it would be more shocking if nothing shocking happened as a matter of routine. Put differently, if anyone is astonished by what happens in our country today, then she/he should be astonished by her/his astonishment.

And that is what a reader is asking me to do – highlight some of the most shocking things over the past several years to which Rwandans have become immune. The reader's point of departure is the just concluded RPF's meeting of Saturday 13 July 2013 where sacked ministers Protais Musoni, Monique Mukaruliza, and her Permanent Secretary Bill Kayonga asked for forgiveness. The fate of the former Justice Minister Tharcisse Karugarama's situation remains most worrying and unknown as he was not part of the repenters.

In addressing this 'assignment', however, the problem is that it is difficult to chose which astonishing things to highlight because they are so many.

Here is my random sampling that includes domestic and regional political as well economic issues. Readers are free to share their own analysis via public or private channels on facebook.

SHOCK NUMBER 1 – BEING MINISTER IN RWANDA IS KISS OF DEATH

Pity the men and women who are called upon to serve in President Kagame's cabinet. Reshuffling and dropping ministers has almost become a sporting and frequent event. The year 2013 alone has witnessed three such forms of entertainment:

* February – Claver Gatete, former Central Bank Governor swapped seats with former Minister of Finance and Planning John Rwangombwa; at least 8 other ministerial changes were made;

* May – Protais Musoni, Cabinet Affairs, and Tharcisse Karugarama, Justice Minister, the 'last RPF historicals' were dropped – the latter for hinting that he is opposed to removal of term limits to allow Kagame to extend his rule beyond 2017;

* July – East Africa Community affairs mister, Monique Mukaruliza and her Permanent Secretary Bill Kayonga were sacked for incompetence.

Appointing or sacking cabinet ministers in Rwanda is strictly a one-man affair – unlike say in next-door Uganda where Parliament vets appointees before they are confirmed by the head of state. Kagame hires and fires at free will. No wonder it is one of the scariest things in Rwanda to be told you have been made a cabinet minister.

Why?

It is scary because once you are fired by the President of Rwanda, no one in the country will want to be associated with you not only in public sector but also in the private sector and NGO community. Your compatriots begin to avoid you like a plague. Careers are ruined – until Kagame himself 'rehabilitates' you, if at all. Even repenting is not always an available option. Someone who disagreed with President Kagame on principles – which I believe is the case with Karugarama, is doomed.

I personally observed the case of Rosemary Museminali, who was recruited from the Red Cross to eventually become Minister for Foreign Affairs. When she was literally thrown out of an afternoon cabinet discussion and consequently dumped from the cabinet in December 2009, Rosemary languished in her family compound for one year. She then got a job outside the country – but even then she had to get an OK from the Rwandan powers that be.

Kagame's cabinet management style recalls cases of earlier autocratic rulers such former Kenyan president Moi. President Moi's long-serving deputy, Professor George Saitoti, only heard on a Kenyan radio station that he been "relieved" of his vice-presidential post and his home affairs portfolio in 2002. Moi left vacant the vice-presidency post, much like Kagame had quietly scrapped vice-presidency from 2000 to the present.

Saitoti's sacking was hardly shocking; it was in line with Moi's style of leadership. Moi despised his ministers and merely used them for his political purposes as opposed to seeing them as sector leaders with own capabilities. Above all Moi did not tolerate independent thought. He once famously stated that "everybody must toe the line…No room for dissenting fellows…I shall use all mechanisms at my disposal to silence them." On another occasion Moi reminded his cabinet: "as vice-president, I sang like a parrot after Kenyatta; now I am President and you must sing like a parrot after me"

Similarly, the idea that cabinet ministers are high-level appointees given the responsibility of overseeing specific areas of public policy (such as finance, national defence, or foreign affairs) is simply alien to President Kagame. He seems to believe that he is the expert in each field. And to prove that he is the expert, he has to continuously humiliate his ministers and officials publicly – a fundamentally-flawed motivation tactic that merely fosters silent resentment. Put in another way, President Kagame is closer to an old-style headmaster, complete with the language and demeanour of punishment for disciplinary infractions as well as sanction and dismissal of his 'pupils.'

SHOCK NUMBER 2: THE CATASTROPHE KNOWN AS MININFRA

President Kagame's cabinet upheavals are most spectacular in the Ministry of Infrastructure (MININFRA) which has had 5 different ministers in the past 7 years as follows:

* 2006: Stanislas Kamanzi
* 2008: Linda Bihire
* 2009: Vincent Karega
* 2011: Albert Nsengiyumva
* 2013: Prof. Silas Lwakabamba

MININFRA can no longer shock. Much of the country's nightmare, official hype, and Kagame's white elephants are based there, not least the following:

* The electricity nightmare before and after the World Bank stepped in 2009 with its Urgent Electricity Rehabilitation Project that financed the Jabana Heavy Fuel Oil Power Plant that increased supply from to 75 megawatts (from 41MW) in 2010; the hype that Rwanda will produce 1,000MW by 2017 is the lasted bogus claim;

* Privatisation of Rwandatel in 2003; its nationalisation in 2006; its re-privatisation in 2007; its re-nationalisation in 2011; its collapse and liquidation in 2013;

* Connecting Rwanda with fibre optic cables (2003-2006) as well as building broadband infrastructure on top of Mt Kalisimbi that was supposed to spread internet and television/radio coverage ended in a fiasco;

* The Kigali-Isaka-Dar Es Salaam 1,435mm standard gauge railway supposedly built by the American firm Burlington Northern Santa Fe; this US$4bil project was being hyped in 2006-2008 but has gone dead quiet, recently replaced by the Kigali-Mombasa rail and pipeline.

Meanwhile, the mess in MININFRA provides a haven for President Kagame's money machine, Crystal Ventures Ltd (CVL). Key CVL's portfolios, include civil works and concrete products, construction and real estate development, telecommunications, aviation charter services, building materials, property management and engineering services. These CVL's products and services primarily depend on tenders from the Kagame government, and are regulated by it. It is a case of the wolf guarding sheep. CVL companies are what has become known as "tenderpreneurs" who cannot survive on the basis of their business acumen but on government contracts.

SHOCK NUMBER 3: WHEN TIGO'S CEO, TOM GUTJAHR, WAS SENT PACKING

The case of the former Tigo Rwanda's CEO, Tom Gutjahr, sent a different shock wave when he was given 24 hours to leave Rwanda in July 2011. RPF's New Times alleged that Gutjahr had been fired for embezzled funds and other fraudulent acts. Tigo Rwanda's parent company, Millicom International Cellular in Luxembourg, quickly set the record straight – Gutjahr was not expelled from Rwanda due to corruption.

Gutjahr, it turned out, had refused to perform an uneconomical act. He objected to rolling out Tigo's network to President Kagame's 45 acre ultra-modern farm and its penny-less poverty-stricken neighbourhood at Lake Muhazi. And here is the sentiment for which Gutjahr was crucified: 'Tigo cannot install a network mast in any area just for one man even if he is the president of the country.' For Paul Kagame, however, Gutjahar's refusal to build a network was not about economics. Gutjahar had to be unceremoniously expelled from Rwanda for his arrogance or 'agasuzuguro.' Which begs the question: why hadn't RPF's own MTN Rwanda not build Kagame a network mast in more than 20 years they have been in country?

Wonders never cease. In today's Rwanda, not even a private sector operator can operate strictly on business principles. Public and private sector enterprises must cater to the strong man – President Kagame.

SHOCK NUMBER 4: THREAT TO HIT A FELLOW MEMBER OF EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY

Perhaps the most recent shocking occurrence in Rwanda was when on 30 June 2013 President Kagame publicly stated that he was bidding his time to "hit" Tanzania's head of state. The latter had months before the Kagame incident suggested that Rwanda should negotiate peace of rebels since fighting for nearly 20 years had failed to render the region more peaceful.

"Hitting" President Kikwete would mean Rwanda either declaring war on Tanzania or fighting the UN-mandated Tanzanian-led forces currently deploying to disarm rebel
groups in East DR-Congo.

Such crude and brazen act of undiplomatic behaviour is reminiscent of Uganda's Idi Amin whose reckless and bombastic style led to the Tanzania-Uganda war in 1978-9. Threatening a fellow member of the East African Community and African Union illustrates the extent to which the Rwandan president has lost touch with reality.

For our purposes here, this brazen act of undiplomatic behaviour is proof, if any were needed of deeper extent to which the 'law of diminishing astonishment' is at work in Rwanda. It is increasingly impossible for Rwandans to be shocked.

WHAT NEXT NOW FOR RWANDA?

All manner of campaigns to change the constitution for purportedly allowing Kagame to finish the "great" things that he will not completed in 23 years between 1994-2017 are well underway. But where all this end?

As elsewhere in the world it is often difficult to advise someone you admire that they going in the deep-end. Few will dare tell him the truth especially as he is prone to shooting the messenger. Most will indulgently humour him and reassure him that he is the greatest leader Africa and Rwanda has ever had.

My sense and hope is that even the die-hard Kagame domestic and foreign supporters surely deep down know all is not well. The sooner more and more voices are heard among Rwandans and between them and our regional/international partners, our country risks descending into what Kofi Annan once termed the "evil from within" – powerlessness to stop a power-drunk regime from sending our country into unimaginable violence.

Dr David Himbara was the Principal Private Secretary to President Paul Kagame in 2000-2002 and 2009. He was the founding chairperson of the Strategy and Policy Unit (SPU), the founding chairperson of Rwanda Development Board (RDB) and the founding chairperson of the Institute for Policy Analysis and Research (IPAR).  A Rwandan-Canadian, David Himbara is an independent reform strategist and an Adjunct Professor at the University of the Witswaterand, South Africa which he has been associated with on-and-off since 1994. Himbara left Rwanda and returned to South Africa in January 2010.

Comments

Support Our Work Now !

Africa Realities Media is independent. Your support helps us expose injustice, challenge silence and produce evidence-based analysis on Africa and the Great Lakes Region.

Recent Posts

Show more
Africa Realities Media offre un espace aux écrivains, chercheurs, experts, activistes, voix communautaires, militants, analystes et personnes ayant une expérience vécue qui souhaitent contribuer à des contenus réfléchis, responsables et courageux sur les changements nécessaires dans la région des Grands Lacs, ainsi que sur les réalités politiques, économiques, culturelles et sociales africaines souvent ignorées, minimisées ou mal représentées. Nos articles et vidéos visent à ouvrir le débat, renforcer la sensibilisation, encourager la pensée critique et favoriser une réflexion plus profonde sur les réalités vécues par les populations africaines. Nous voulons aider les peuples de la région des Grands Lacs à mieux comprendre leurs droits, notamment leurs droits humains, leur droit au développement, leur droit à la dignité, à la sécurité, au bien-être et à une vie meilleure. À travers nos contenus, nous cherchons également à rappeler aux décideurs, aux institutions publiques, aux acteurs régionaux et internationaux, ainsi qu’aux responsables politiques, leur devoir de transparence, de responsabilité et de redevabilité envers les populations qu’ils prétendent servir. Notre objectif est de contribuer à une culture de vérité, de justice, de participation citoyenne et de protection égale pour tous les peuples africains.

Why We Exist

Many abuses facing African people are committed by African states, ruling elites, armed groups, military forces and security services. But these abuses are often sustained by international silence, Western lobbying, trade interests, migration deals, mineral access, diplomatic partnerships and unequal global accountability. Africa Realities Media exposes that system.

Lived Experience Matters

Survivors, displaced communities, refugees, families affected by repression, journalists, activists, women, young people and diaspora voices are not passive subjects. They are knowledge holders. Their experiences must shape policy, advocacy, journalism and public debate. The people closest to injustice are often closest to the solutions.

Our Principle

Africa Realities Media is rooted in one principle: African lives deserve equal truth, equal justice and equal protection.

Popular Posts

THE BATTLE OF RUBAYA: Rwanda's War for Minerals Exposed

T he FDLR Pretext Collapses Under the Weight of Documented Plunder   Introduction: A Battle That Tells the Truth When Rwandan-backed RDF/M23 forces fought with extraordinary ferocity to seize and hold Rubaya — a remote mining town in North Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo — the stated justification was security. Kigali's consistent public line has been that its military presence in the DRC is a response to the threat posed by the Forces Democratiques de Liberation du Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group whose leaders include individuals linked to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. This narrative has been accepted, qualified, or left insufficiently challenged by Western governments and multilateral institutions for over a decade. The Battle of Rubaya strips that narrative bare. What unfolded in Rubaya was not a counter-insurgency operation against genocidal remnants. It was a sustained military campaign — reinforced by the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF), prosecuted at sign...

LA BATAILLE DE RUBAYA : La guerre du Rwanda pour les minerais exposée

Le prétexte des FDLR s’effondre sous le poids du pillage documenté Introduction : une bataille qui dit la vérité Lorsque les forces RDF/M23 soutenues par le Rwanda ont combattu avec une férocité extraordinaire pour s’emparer de Rubaya et la conserver — une ville minière reculée du Nord-Kivu, dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo — la justification officielle était la sécurité. La ligne publique constante de Kigali a été que sa présence militaire en RDC répond à la menace posée par les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), un groupe armé dont les dirigeants comprennent des individus liés au génocide de 1994 contre les Tutsi. Ce récit a été accepté, nuancé, ou laissé insuffisamment contesté par les gouvernements occidentaux et les institutions multilatérales pendant plus d’une décennie. La bataille de Rubaya met ce récit à nu. Ce qui s’est déroulé à Rubaya n’était pas une opération de contre-insurrection contre des restes génocidaires. C’était une campagne mili...

Les remèdes cosmétiques de la France face à la guerre dans l’est de la RDC

Résolution 2773, Conférence de Paris, doctrine macronienne du dialogue et pari de la Francophonie La politique de la France à l’égard de l’est de la RDC a produit un schéma constant : un langage public fort, une faible application des décisions, aucune pression visible fondée sur les sanctions, et des appels répétés au dialogue qui laissent largement intact le levier militaire et politique du Rwanda. La France ne peut pas rédiger des résolutions, organiser des conférences, rejeter les sanctions, appeler au dialogue, puis revendiquer la neutralité pendant que les civils restent sous occupation, déplacement et violence. Dans une guerre de cette ampleur, le silence et l’inaction ne sont pas neutres. Ce sont des actes politiques. Introduction La France se présente comme l’une des puissances occidentales les plus engagées dans la recherche de la paix dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo. Elle a parrainé la Résolution 2773 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Elle a organ...

President Macron Against US Sanctions on Rwanda

How France's Interests in Mozambique Obstruct Peace in the DRC A Critical Analysis of Emmanuel Macron's Interview with TV5 Monde, Africa Forward Summit, Nairobi, 12 May 2026 Published by The African Rights Campaign (ARC)   |   London, May 2026   1. Introduction This analysis is based on French President Emmanuel Macron's interview with TV5 Monde, conducted on 12 May 2026 during the Africa Forward Summit in Nairobi, Kenya. In that interview, Macron was asked a direct question: given that Rwanda's support for the M23 armed group has been documented by United Nations experts, and given that the United States has imposed sanctions on the Rwanda Defence Force and several of its senior officers, why have France and the European Union declined to do the same? Macron's response was unconvincing, dishonest and analytically incoherent. It revealed not a carefully calibrated position of principled neutrality, but the operational logic of a government that has c...

[AFRICAFORUM] Tr : [hinterland1] Tr : L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE

  ----- Mail transféré ----- De : Mpania Jean <drjeanmpania@yahoo.fr> À : Hinterland <hinterland1@yahoogroupes.fr> Envoyé le : Mercredi 26 février 2014 17h13 Objet : [hinterland1] Tr : L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE   Le Mercredi 26 février 2014 9h56, congokdp <congokdp@gmail.com> a écrit : L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE :   Voici comment les institutions et tout le système de sécurité de la RDC sont sous contrôle du Rwanda et les officiels congolais infiltrés par des «hirondelles» rwandaises! L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE :  Voici comment les institutions et tout le système de sécurité de la RDC sont sous contrôle du Rwanda et les officiels congolais infiltrés par des «hirondelles» rwandaises! Le processus d'occupation de la RDC par le lobby tutsi rwandais passe par le...

The Kagame Myth: Western Power, Private Jets and Rwanda’s Controlled Reality

  ANALYSIS AND INVESTIGATION Introduction: The Myth and the Man Behind the Myth There is a version of Paul Kagame that exists in the conference halls of Davos, in the pages of Western magazines, in private hotel meetings in London, Paris and Washington, and on the sleeves of European football shirts. In this version, Kagame is a visionary. A builder. A disciplined African moderniser. A leader who pulled a broken country from the ashes of genocide and turned it into what admirers often call the “Singapore of Africa”. In this version, Rwanda is clean, efficient, safe, investment-friendly and orderly. Kagame is presented as the African leader the West wants to believe in: controlled, polished, pro-market, security-focused and comfortable in elite Western spaces. Then there is the Rwanda that many Rwandans, exiles, journalists, opposition figures and human rights organisations describe. In this Rwanda, YouTubers and online commentators are jailed for what they say. Critics die in custo...

Dr Phil Clark ( SOAS University of London): A biased lecturer and researcher about African issues.

Dr Phil Clark   was born in Sudan and   is currently   working at SOAS University of London. He is known to be   biased lecturer and researcher about African issues, particularly the Rwandan genocide.     With his poor judgement and analytical thinking, this man only talk about   the results   of events and forget the     root causes. He is a staunch supporter of the criminal, dictator and killer Paul Kagame , the President of   Rwanda. He is singing the song of the winner of the Rwandan  war. He is in the same boat with Linda Melvern, a biased British   freelancer who received a medal from the dictator Paul     Kagame. "> "> Dr.Phil Clark "> Linda Melvern I am asking Dr Phil Clark   one question:   Dear   Dr Phil Clark, What     was the   role of   Paul Kagame and RPF in the Rwandan  massacres and genocide in and outside Rwanda?   Based...

Le Président Macron contre les sanctions américaines imposées au Rwanda

Comment les intérêts français au Mozambique font obstacle à la paix en RDC Analyse critique de l'entretien d'Emmanuel Macron avec TV5 Monde, Africa Forward Summit, Nairobi, 12 mai 2026 Publié par The African Rights Campaign (ARC)   |   Londres, mai 2026     1. Introduction La présente analyse est fondée sur l'entretien accordé par le président français Emmanuel Macron à TV5 Monde, le 12 mai 2026, lors de l'Africa Forward Summit à Nairobi, au Kenya. Au cours de cet entretien, Macron s'est vu poser une question directe : étant donné que le soutien du Rwanda au groupe armé M23 est aujourd'hui documenté par les experts des Nations Unies, et étant donné que les États-Unis ont imposé des sanctions aux Forces de défense du Rwanda (FDR) ainsi qu'à plusieurs de leurs hauts responsables, pourquoi la France et l'Union européenne n'ont-elles pas fait de même ? La réponse de Macron s'est révélée peu convaincante, malhonnête et analytique...

Kagame’s Image Machine: Who Profits While Rwanda Stays Poor

I nvestigation:  Paying to Stay Poor: How Western PR Firms, Lobbyists, Sports Clubs and Media Outlets Profit from Rwanda’s Image Economy Introduction: An Ecosystem of Paid Influence Rwanda is often presented internationally as a model of discipline, security, investment promotion and post-genocide recovery. That image has been carefully built, repeatedly amplified and professionally protected. Behind it sits a costly international network of sports sponsorships, lobbying contracts, public relations firms, legal consultancy, political access, favourable media relationships and diplomatic narrative management. The moral problem is clear. Rwanda remains heavily dependent on foreign aid and external financing. According to World Bank-linked data, foreign aid received by Rwanda reached approximately 1.39 billion US dollars in 2023. UNDP’s 2025 Human Development Report gives Rwanda a Human Development Index value of 0.578 for 2023, placing it 159th out of 193 countries and territories. U...

Justice ou théâtre politique ? Les procès français du génocide rwandais et le travail inachevé de la réconciliation entre Rwandais

Introduction Depuis 2014, les tribunaux français ont poursuivi une série de ressortissants rwandais hutu pour leur rôle présumé dans le génocide de 1994 contre les Tutsi. Le premier procès, celui de l’ancien chef du renseignement Pascal Simbikangwa, a été suivi par les condamnations des anciens bourgmestres Octavien Ngenzi et Tito Barahira en 2016, puis par la condamnation, en 2023, de l’ancien officier de gendarmerie Philippe Hategekimana. Aucun accusé jugé en France, au titre de la compétence universelle, pour le génocide rwandais n’a été acquitté. D’autres poursuites devraient suivre. Ces procédures ont été largement saluées comme la preuve que la France affronte enfin son passé d’État ayant protégé des auteurs présumés du génocide sur son territoire. Des organisations internationales de défense des droits humains, des spécialistes du génocide et une partie de la société civile française les ont présentées comme une contribution tardive, mais bienvenue, à la lutte mondiale contre l’...

Why Africa Realities Media Is Different

Africa Realities Media speaks to Africa and to the developed world. Many abuses facing African people are committed by African states and ruling elites, but they are often protected by international silence, lobbying, public relations, trade interests, migration deals and unequal global accountability. While governments pay lobbyists to present a good image abroad, ordinary African people continue to face violence, hunger, disease, poverty, repression and exclusion. We challenge the normalisation of African suffering and demand equal truth, equal justice and equal protection.

Pourquoi Africa Realities Media est différent?

Africa Realities Media s’adresse à l’Afrique et au monde développé. De nombreux abus subis par les peuples africains sont commis par des États africains et des élites dirigeantes, mais ils sont souvent protégés par le silence international, le lobbying, les relations publiques, les intérêts commerciaux, les accords migratoires et une responsabilité mondiale inégale. Tandis que des gouvernements paient des lobbyistes pour présenter une bonne image à l’étranger, des Africains ordinaires continuent de faire face à la violence, à la faim, aux maladies, à la pauvreté, à la répression et à l’exclusion. Nous contestons la normalisation de la souffrance africaine et exigeons une vérité égale, une justice égale et une protection égale.

BBC News

Policy and Systems Change

Our work is designed to trigger debate, discomfort and action. We do not only expose injustice; we work for policy and systems change. We want governments and institutions to address the root causes of inequality, disadvantage, discrimination, exclusion and barriers affecting African people. We believe lasting change must be shaped by people with lived experience.

Exposing Injustice in Africa

Africa Realities Media is an independent African accountability platform based in London. We report, analyse and challenge the systems that shape African suffering, silence African victims and protect abusive power. We are not here to repeat diplomatic language. We are here to ask the questions that are often avoided: why are African deaths treated as normal? Why are African victims given less urgency? Why are governments that imprison, exclude, displace or kill their own people protected when they serve powerful international interests?

Africanews

Africa Realities Media gives space to writers, researchers, experts, activists, community voices, campaigners, analysts and people with lived experience who want to contribute thoughtful, responsible and courageous content about the changes needed in the region, as well as the political, economic, cultural and social African realities that are often ignored, minimised or misrepresented. Our articles and videos aim to encourage debate, raise awareness, stimulate critical thinking and support reflection. We seek to help people in the Great Lakes Region understand their rights to human rights, development and wellbeing, while also encouraging decision-makers to be more transparent, responsive and accountable.

Appel à contributions

Sensibilisez le public aux causes qui vous tiennent à cÅ“ur. Prenez part au changement que vous souhaitez voir émerger. Aidez à combattre l’injustice partout où elle se manifeste.

Africa Realities Media accueille des articles originaux, analyses, tribunes, réflexions communautaires et commentaires fondés sur des faits concernant la région des Grands Lacs africains, ainsi que les questions liées à la justice, aux droits humains, à la gouvernance, aux conflits, à la paix, aux réfugiés, aux ressources naturelles et à la responsabilité publique en Afrique.

Nous accueillons également les annonces concernant de nouvelles ou d’anciennes publications liées à nos domaines d’intérêt. Vous pouvez annoncer gratuitement votre publication, notamment un livre, un rapport, une étude, un article académique ou tout autre travail pertinent.

Les articles doivent être rédigés en anglais ou en français et ne doivent pas dépasser 1 500 mots.

Veuillez inclure le nom complet de l’auteur, qui sera publié avec l’article s’il est accepté.

Avant de soumettre votre article, veuillez d’abord lire nos pages du site web afin de vérifier si votre article correspond à nos priorités éditoriales, à nos thèmes et à nos domaines d’intérêt.

Si vous avez un article, un commentaire ou une annonce de publication à partager avec un public plus large, veuillez l’envoyer par email à :

africarealitiesmedia@gmail.com

Nous étudierons la possibilité de publier gratuitement les articles et annonces de publications appropriés s’ils répondent à nos critères éditoriaux, notamment la pertinence, la clarté, l’originalité, l’intérêt public, le respect des communautés concernées et l’utilisation responsable des informations et des preuves.

Les articles sont publiés tels qu’ils sont soumis s’ils répondent à nos critères et à notre politique éditoriale. Nous ne procédons pas à une modification supplémentaire de votre article avant sa publication.