1. "News of Rwanda", an on-line news publication channeling pro-RPF propaganda, a few weeks ago put out a slanderous article alleging genocide involvement by our Vice President, Djumatatu Nzeyimana. There is nothing factually accurate in this muckraking article, except a nauseous pile of lies and misrepresentations that are only good for the sewer. It is available at http://www.newsofrwanda.com/featured1/22046/tracing-president-kikwetes-fdlr-links-back-to-rwanda/.
2. The PDR-Ihumure initially felt responding to these baseless accusations was a complete waste of our time. In the end, we have decided we cannot let them go unchallenged and must set our record straight as a political organization. We are proud of our 8-year record as an opposition political party fighting for genuine democracy in Rwanda. Our organization enjoys a unified team of hard-working men and women fully dedicated to the cause of democracy, especially in our leadership positions. For the record, our Vice President, Djumatatu Nzeyimana, who has been attacked, is a law school graduate who worked for the Rwandan government as a civil servant until 1994, and never worked for the Rwandan government beyond that. He has never been in hiding in unknown locations between France and the Netherlands as alleged in the article, and his current address is publicly known in official records. He has never traveled on a fake passport, never lived in refugee camps in DRC, nor has he ever resided in Dodoma, Tanzania. His wife has never had any name changes since they have known each other. He was duly employed by the United Nations at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) from 1997 to 2003, and assertions to the contrary are a reckless attempt to tamper with U.N. personnel records or discredit U.N. officials staked out as the source of this defamatory news article.The claim that our Vice President has lived in Europe for 18 years is simply an egregious lie. We find it incredibly irresponsible that Mr. Innocent Gahiji would level allegations of genocide so carelessly against our Vice President simply for political expediency. Back in 2003, Djumatatu Nzeyimana became a victim of similar character assassination attacks, to no avail. Therefore, we challenge anyone, first and foremost Mr. Innocent Gahiji, to produce evidence in support of the serious allegations of genocide he has so callously brought up against our Vice President, absent which we reserve the right to pursue charges of defamation and seek damages and reparation for the harm unduly done. It is highly regrettable how a regime once feted - albeit erroneously - as the savior group that ended genocide in Rwanda has now stooped to a level so execrable as to drag families in gutter politics and embark on gruesome assassinations of former comrades in arms.
3. Buckling under intense pressure following a disastrous year 2013 during which its frontman in DRC gen. Bosco Ntaganda surrendered to the ICC,its proxy M23 rebel group was soundly defeated in DRC, and its involvement in the plunder and humanitarian tragedy of eastern DRC was laid bare for everyone to see, it seems the Kigali RPF regime has decided this year to go out for broke by mounting an all-out suicidal offensive against its political opponents, whether national or foreign, not with creative ideas on how to advance Rwanda but with brutal assassinations, smear campaigns, threatening statements, and a wave of arrests of supposed genocidaires living in exile. This kind of thug, violent, cut-throat politics is what's ordinarily known as state-sponsored terrorism. Other strongmen such as Idi Amin in Uganda, Saddam Hussein in Irak, Kadhafi in Libya tried it in the past. It didn't work for them, and it won't work for Kagame. For twenty long years there has been this super- potent twin scarecrow - FDLR and genocide - which the RPF regime has dangled each time it has faced problems, and they have all gone away as if magically. Those days may be coming to an end.
4. The biggest outrage of this whole campaign is the shameless attempt to savage the reputation of a neighboring and friendly nation, Tanzania, along with its President, Jakaya Kikwete. This is the country that, through exemplary active support to the ANC, has helped to end Apartheid in South Africa, and countries such as Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia to be born as independent states. Tanzania also helped get rid of dictator Idi Amin in Uganda, and may have been one of the many countries cheering the RPF's rise to power in Rwanda in 1994, misled by a prevalent myth at the time that President Kagame was part of a "new breed of African leaders". In hindsight, everyone knows today it was the lie of the century. Currently, just as it did in the past, Tanzania is wisely, courageously and steadfastly spearheading a painstaking SADC effort to midwife a regional peace in a Great Lakes Region of Africa torn apart by two decades of the world's deadliest conflict since World War II. At the opposite side stands Rwanda, which is neck-deep involved in this conflict, and which has become synonymous with impunity by providing a safe haven for the Laurent Nkundas, Jules Mutebutsis, Jean Marie Runigas, and scores of other war lords of the region, all of whom are wanted by justice for their crimes of war and crimes against humanity.
5. When President Jakaya Kikwete first brought up this issue of peace talks with armed groups, it was during a regional summit on Peace, Security and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of Congo on May 26, 2013 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Understandably, this was the right diplomatic manner and venue for raising this issue and eliciting a workable way forward on this intractable matter. Other Heads of State were present when President Kikwete tabled this issue. It follows simple logic, therefore, that if President Kagame has a problem with the issue of peace talks with armed opposition as was raised, he can simply bring it up for discussion by his peers in the same diplomatic manner and venue, if only for the sake of minimum decorum. Instead, he has chosen to throw dirt and settle the matter individually like a bully in a school yard. He has personally ranted about it repeatedly and has enlisted an army of internet journalists to try and sling as much muck on President Kikwete as possible. It's sad that advisors are not counseling President Kagame right.
6. Regarding FDLR, we want to reiterate our position which was clearly explained by our President in his speech (http://pdrihumure.com/documents/alllocution15122012.pdf) during our Party Assessment Conference in Brussels 15 December 2012, and in our Party's recent letter (http://pdrihumure.com/documents/pdrlettertomonusco.pdf) to their Excellencies Mary Robinson, Martin Kobler and Russ Feingold, namely that if there are crime suspects within FDLR, they must be fully prosecuted, just as suspected criminals within the RPF in power in Rwanda must be brought to justice. This position has not changed. Just as importantly, however, we find it a matter of public outrage that the RPF regime continues to reject direct peace talks with FDLR alleging "they are a group of genocidaires" even as it has welcomed former FDLR commanders (such as gen. Paul Rwarakabije, gen. Jerome Ngendahimana and others) within its ranks with nary a qualm about their "genocidaire" status. This is a long- recycled ploy by Kigali to have it both ways on this FDLR issue, a kind of political duplicity that has now gone rancid.
7. Clearly, the attack against our party is part of the RPF's grand scheme of counter-attacks and diversion tactics for a regime besieged by a battery of daunting challenges from all fronts as 2014 unfolds with a vengeance. For the last few weeks, Kigali has had to deal with adamning report on Rwanda's Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association (http://freeassembly.net/rapporteurpressnews/rwanda-visit-statement/) by the U.N. Special Rapporteur, Mr. Maïna Kiai,an equally damaging report by Human Rights Watch (http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/01/28/rwanda-repression-across-borders) about Rwanda's attacks and threats against opponents and critics abroad, and a stinging defeat at the U.N. Security Counsel in a failed attempt to block a U.N. Sanctions Committee report (http:// www.enca.com/africa/un-sanctions-sparks-row-between-drc-and-rwanda-0) which states the M23 rebel group is busy recruiting and regrouping inside Rwanda. The international community must not relent in holding the RPF regime's feet to the fire of accountability for its crimes and gross human rights violations in Rwanda and in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo.
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T he FDLR Pretext Collapses Under the Weight of Documented Plunder Introduction: A Battle That Tells the Truth When Rwandan-backed RDF/M23 forces fought with extraordinary ferocity to seize and hold Rubaya — a remote mining town in North Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo — the stated justification was security. Kigali's consistent public line has been that its military presence in the DRC is a response to the threat posed by the Forces Democratiques de Liberation du Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group whose leaders include individuals linked to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. This narrative has been accepted, qualified, or left insufficiently challenged by Western governments and multilateral institutions for over a decade. The Battle of Rubaya strips that narrative bare. What unfolded in Rubaya was not a counter-insurgency operation against genocidal remnants. It was a sustained military campaign — reinforced by the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF), prosecuted at sign...
Le prétexte des FDLR s’effondre sous le poids du pillage documenté Introduction : une bataille qui dit la vérité Lorsque les forces RDF/M23 soutenues par le Rwanda ont combattu avec une férocité extraordinaire pour s’emparer de Rubaya et la conserver — une ville minière reculée du Nord-Kivu, dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo — la justification officielle était la sécurité. La ligne publique constante de Kigali a été que sa présence militaire en RDC répond à la menace posée par les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), un groupe armé dont les dirigeants comprennent des individus liés au génocide de 1994 contre les Tutsi. Ce récit a été accepté, nuancé, ou laissé insuffisamment contesté par les gouvernements occidentaux et les institutions multilatérales pendant plus d’une décennie. La bataille de Rubaya met ce récit à nu. Ce qui s’est déroulé à Rubaya n’était pas une opération de contre-insurrection contre des restes génocidaires. C’était une campagne mili...
Résolution 2773, Conférence de Paris, doctrine macronienne du dialogue et pari de la Francophonie La politique de la France à l’égard de l’est de la RDC a produit un schéma constant : un langage public fort, une faible application des décisions, aucune pression visible fondée sur les sanctions, et des appels répétés au dialogue qui laissent largement intact le levier militaire et politique du Rwanda. La France ne peut pas rédiger des résolutions, organiser des conférences, rejeter les sanctions, appeler au dialogue, puis revendiquer la neutralité pendant que les civils restent sous occupation, déplacement et violence. Dans une guerre de cette ampleur, le silence et l’inaction ne sont pas neutres. Ce sont des actes politiques. Introduction La France se présente comme l’une des puissances occidentales les plus engagées dans la recherche de la paix dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo. Elle a parrainé la Résolution 2773 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Elle a organ...
How France's Interests in Mozambique Obstruct Peace in the DRC A Critical Analysis of Emmanuel Macron's Interview with TV5 Monde, Africa Forward Summit, Nairobi, 12 May 2026 Published by The African Rights Campaign (ARC) | London, May 2026 1. Introduction This analysis is based on French President Emmanuel Macron's interview with TV5 Monde, conducted on 12 May 2026 during the Africa Forward Summit in Nairobi, Kenya. In that interview, Macron was asked a direct question: given that Rwanda's support for the M23 armed group has been documented by United Nations experts, and given that the United States has imposed sanctions on the Rwanda Defence Force and several of its senior officers, why have France and the European Union declined to do the same? Macron's response was unconvincing, dishonest and analytically incoherent. It revealed not a carefully calibrated position of principled neutrality, but the operational logic of a government that has c...
----- Mail transféré ----- De : Mpania Jean <drjeanmpania@yahoo.fr> À : Hinterland <hinterland1@yahoogroupes.fr> Envoyé le : Mercredi 26 février 2014 17h13 Objet : [hinterland1] Tr : L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE Le Mercredi 26 février 2014 9h56, congokdp <congokdp@gmail.com> a écrit : L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE : Voici comment les institutions et tout le système de sécurité de la RDC sont sous contrôle du Rwanda et les officiels congolais infiltrés par des «hirondelles» rwandaises! L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE : Voici comment les institutions et tout le système de sécurité de la RDC sont sous contrôle du Rwanda et les officiels congolais infiltrés par des «hirondelles» rwandaises! Le processus d'occupation de la RDC par le lobby tutsi rwandais passe par le...
ANALYSIS AND INVESTIGATION Introduction: The Myth and the Man Behind the Myth There is a version of Paul Kagame that exists in the conference halls of Davos, in the pages of Western magazines, in private hotel meetings in London, Paris and Washington, and on the sleeves of European football shirts. In this version, Kagame is a visionary. A builder. A disciplined African moderniser. A leader who pulled a broken country from the ashes of genocide and turned it into what admirers often call the “Singapore of Africa”. In this version, Rwanda is clean, efficient, safe, investment-friendly and orderly. Kagame is presented as the African leader the West wants to believe in: controlled, polished, pro-market, security-focused and comfortable in elite Western spaces. Then there is the Rwanda that many Rwandans, exiles, journalists, opposition figures and human rights organisations describe. In this Rwanda, YouTubers and online commentators are jailed for what they say. Critics die in custo...
Dr Phil Clark was born in Sudan and is currently working at SOAS University of London. He is known to be biased lecturer and researcher about African issues, particularly the Rwandan genocide. With his poor judgement and analytical thinking, this man only talk about the results of events and forget the root causes. He is a staunch supporter of the criminal, dictator and killer Paul Kagame , the President of Rwanda. He is singing the song of the winner of the Rwandan war. He is in the same boat with Linda Melvern, a biased British freelancer who received a medal from the dictator Paul Kagame. "> "> Dr.Phil Clark "> Linda Melvern I am asking Dr Phil Clark one question: Dear Dr Phil Clark, What was the role of Paul Kagame and RPF in the Rwandan massacres and genocide in and outside Rwanda? Based...
Comment les intérêts français au Mozambique font obstacle à la paix en RDC Analyse critique de l'entretien d'Emmanuel Macron avec TV5 Monde, Africa Forward Summit, Nairobi, 12 mai 2026 Publié par The African Rights Campaign (ARC) | Londres, mai 2026 1. Introduction La présente analyse est fondée sur l'entretien accordé par le président français Emmanuel Macron à TV5 Monde, le 12 mai 2026, lors de l'Africa Forward Summit à Nairobi, au Kenya. Au cours de cet entretien, Macron s'est vu poser une question directe : étant donné que le soutien du Rwanda au groupe armé M23 est aujourd'hui documenté par les experts des Nations Unies, et étant donné que les États-Unis ont imposé des sanctions aux Forces de défense du Rwanda (FDR) ainsi qu'à plusieurs de leurs hauts responsables, pourquoi la France et l'Union européenne n'ont-elles pas fait de même ? La réponse de Macron s'est révélée peu convaincante, malhonnête et analytique...
I nvestigation: Paying to Stay Poor: How Western PR Firms, Lobbyists, Sports Clubs and Media Outlets Profit from Rwanda’s Image Economy Introduction: An Ecosystem of Paid Influence Rwanda is often presented internationally as a model of discipline, security, investment promotion and post-genocide recovery. That image has been carefully built, repeatedly amplified and professionally protected. Behind it sits a costly international network of sports sponsorships, lobbying contracts, public relations firms, legal consultancy, political access, favourable media relationships and diplomatic narrative management. The moral problem is clear. Rwanda remains heavily dependent on foreign aid and external financing. According to World Bank-linked data, foreign aid received by Rwanda reached approximately 1.39 billion US dollars in 2023. UNDP’s 2025 Human Development Report gives Rwanda a Human Development Index value of 0.578 for 2023, placing it 159th out of 193 countries and territories. U...
Introduction Depuis 2014, les tribunaux français ont poursuivi une série de ressortissants rwandais hutu pour leur rôle présumé dans le génocide de 1994 contre les Tutsi. Le premier procès, celui de l’ancien chef du renseignement Pascal Simbikangwa, a été suivi par les condamnations des anciens bourgmestres Octavien Ngenzi et Tito Barahira en 2016, puis par la condamnation, en 2023, de l’ancien officier de gendarmerie Philippe Hategekimana. Aucun accusé jugé en France, au titre de la compétence universelle, pour le génocide rwandais n’a été acquitté. D’autres poursuites devraient suivre. Ces procédures ont été largement saluées comme la preuve que la France affronte enfin son passé d’État ayant protégé des auteurs présumés du génocide sur son territoire. Des organisations internationales de défense des droits humains, des spécialistes du génocide et une partie de la société civile française les ont présentées comme une contribution tardive, mais bienvenue, à la lutte mondiale contre l’...
Africa Realities Media speaks to Africa and to the developed world. Many abuses facing African people are committed by African states and ruling elites, but they are often protected by international silence, lobbying, public relations, trade interests, migration deals and unequal global accountability. While governments pay lobbyists to present a good image abroad, ordinary African people continue to face violence, hunger, disease, poverty, repression and exclusion. We challenge the normalisation of African suffering and demand equal truth, equal justice and equal protection.
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Africa Realities Media s’adresse à l’Afrique et au monde développé. De nombreux abus subis par les peuples africains sont commis par des États africains et des élites dirigeantes, mais ils sont souvent protégés par le silence international, le lobbying, les relations publiques, les intérêts commerciaux, les accords migratoires et une responsabilité mondiale inégale. Tandis que des gouvernements paient des lobbyistes pour présenter une bonne image à l’étranger, des Africains ordinaires continuent de faire face à la violence, à la faim, aux maladies, à la pauvreté, à la répression et à l’exclusion. Nous contestons la normalisation de la souffrance africaine et exigeons une vérité égale, une justice égale et une protection égale.
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