Fwd: No. 27447: The Colour of My Skin -- Eastern Region

AfricaFiles

Title: The Colour of My Skin
Author: Khairoon Abbas
Category: Eastern Region
Date: 11/25/2014
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Summary & Comment: Mixed-race issues are not frequently discussed in Tanzania. In this essay, Khairoon Abbas provides a personal narrative, while exploring the legacy of historical and political factors within the relationships between people of different ethnic origins in Tanzania. Eradicating racial marginalization is one step towards greater socio-economic inclusion.

Every city has that one memorable sight everyone remembers; in New York, there's Times Square, Toronto has the CN Tower and Paris, the Eiffel Tower. In Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, which is East Africa's largest country, that place is undeniably Kariakoo - the busiest market in the country. As you enter the market, you are surrounded by the scent of freshly ground spices, piled next to each other, forming colourful mountains - everything from turmeric and garam masala to cardamom, cinnamon and cloves. Kariakoo is filled with butcheries, mouth-watering fruit stands, electronic and clothes shops, and large displays of the colourful traditional wear called khanga. Word has it that everything you need can be found in Kariakoo - a name derived from "Carrier Corps" during the colonial days when Tanganyika (now Tanzania) was a British protectorate.

To me, Kariakoo represents the melting pot of Tanzania. Kariakoo's merchants, petty traders, buyers, and residents represent Tanzanian history at its core. People of black African origin, Arab and Indian heritage or those who are from intermarriages (mixed race) either come to or live in Kariakoo. They all meet to sell, bargain, establish business contacts, or simply visit to experience the bustling nature of this popular place that I can dare say is the loudest spot because vendors would either use loud speakers or simply shout out to market their products.

In the world of business, there are those who strive to make a profit at any cost, and those who are keen to satisfy their customers. These dynamics are evident in most countries in the world where it is not uncommon to see business people double or triple the price of their merchandise when they know their customers are from another country or place. Some go further - they judge their customers based on the colour of their skin - the lighter-skinned ones including Whites, Indians and Arabs are presumed to have more money than the rest, hence are charged more.

I am one of them. My Arab, Indian and African ancestry has won me a name in Kariakoo - they call me 'Mwarabu' (Arab) and at times 'Cheupe' (whitey) meaning light-skinned one and I have grown accustomed to such labels because I understand they mean no harm. For the traders in Kariakoo, this simply means luring you to buy what they are selling to sustain their livelihood.

But is this really harmless? What does it connote? As far as I am concerned, these labels and name-calling speak volumes about racial categorization, racial preferences, and racial discrimination. These race-related stereotypes are rooted in colonial history and have left indelible marks in human relations. There are people in Africa who still believe that anything 'white' is better than black because black is still associated with poverty, misfortunes, crime, and many other social ills. Some aspire to be lighter-skinned at any cost to seek acceptance and appreciation. I can confidently say that such labelling, if allowed to prevail, evokes a feeling of 'not belonging.' It may result in psychological issues and one may begin to act differently - either defensively to avert the danger of segregation, or conceitedly because they are of lighter skin. All in all, it is racism and it leads to racial marginalization. In addition, this issue of racial marginalization and race disparities and tensions is further complicated by class disparities and inequality, which together put a strain on race relations.

Race issues, which include those that concern mixed-race, are not openly discussed in Tanzania, unlike in other parts of the world such as in North America and Europe, among other regions, where issues of race are explored publicly and debated in the public discourse. For example, the American media often covers issues of race and its repercussions, particularly when black people are involved in shootings or social unrest or when acts of discrimination and racism are involved. In Tanzania, silence surrounds this issue of race. There are unconfirmed reports that minorities - Indians and Arabs, including those of mixed race - are sometimes subjected to acts of discrimination at times by the coercive state apparatus (e.g. police), let alone the general public. The argument is: They are not black hence they are not originally from Tanzania. According to some statistics, Tanzania's mainland is reported to have 99 percent black African people and the other 1 percent consisting of Asian, European or Arab people. While it may be easy to get data on citizens who are Whites, Arabs or Indians, it is much harder to get information of those of mixed race ancestry dubbed "Chotara" (a half-caste) or "Shombe" (mixed-breed) like myself. This is probably due to the lack of discussion or analysis of these racial issues following our unwillingness to look at our past - the slave trade era and colonial legacy, and see how these aspects impact our daily lives.

Historical melting pot

Tanzania has been home to many people of Arab and Indian heritage for many centuries now. Arabs came to the East African coast to take part in the trade of slaves, ivory, and spices. In 1698, the islands of Zanzibar fell to the Sultanate of Oman, whose reach extended along the mainland coast of East Africa. Indians also have a long history in Tanzania as a result of the Gujarati traders who arrived in the 19th century, in addition to those who arrived to work on the Kenya-Uganda railway. Indeed, the history of Tanzania, and to a large extent Africa, recalls painful memories of slavery, subordination, and marginalization. In Tanzania, this is vivid - from Zanzibar's Arab mansions characterized by the high, blank white walls and the colourful stained glass windows of grand Indian residences, to the variety of spices and type of foods we eat. It is a history rich in cultures and the legacy of people of different origin and skin colour. Yet it is also a history that gave birth to racial marginalization - an act that puts or keeps someone in a powerless or unimportant position within a society or group because of their race.

Racial marginalization is one of the factors that explains the birth and prominence of the East African Slave Trade, which was driven by Arab traders. The history of the slave trade is evident throughout the eastern coast of Tanzania, where the town of Bagamoyo has become a central and historical place to learn about how Arabs shipped slaves out of the country. Bagamoyo, which derives from the Kiswahili words of "bwaga moyo"- to lay down your heart- is reminiscent of how the slaves felt when they had to leave the country as a result of slavery. One of the key outcomes of the slave trade is the birth of the Swahili culture, language and people of mixed race from the blending of Arabs and local Bantu women, among other races. However, the Arab, Indian and mixed-race groups were not a threat to colonial rule during the colonial period following the Scramble of Africa in the late 1880s. It was then that Tanganyika fell under German colonial rule. However, after World War One, when the Germans were defeated, Tanganyika became a British Protectorate. Both colonial powers focused their attention on the masses - the majority native African population - in order to control and rule Africans. But it is worth noting that the colonial powers had their own unspoken racial and social structure that placed them at the top, followed by those of Arab and Indian origin and ancestry (mixed-race) with the African majority at the very bottom, something synonymous to the Apartheid system in pre-independent South Africa.

Yet, irrespective of today's global advancement in many spheres, racial marginalization is still visible. For example, some researchers say that the Zanzibar revolution was a reflection of racial conflict between the Arabs and the Africans, while others argue that the revolution was a response of landless peasants in alliance with other oppressed people against the landed aristocrats and their political leadership. The tension between the black majority and Arab and Indian minorities, particularly in Zanzibar, also followed political party lines and those tensions keep haunting the politics of the island to this very day, many years after the 1964 revolution when the Sultan was ousted and Zanzibar was proclaimed a republic.

A political palette

Although mainland Tanzania does not have a history of ethnic or racial tension as happened in other eastern African countries like Uganda, where General Idi Amin expelled Ugandan Asians from the country, incidences of racial marginalization are not uncommon despite a solid socio-economic and political foundation grounded in socialism and self-reliance that guided Tanzania since 1967. The country's political direction under the leadership of the founding father and first President, Mwalimu (teacher) Julius K. Nyerere led to the nationalisation of banks, property and industry, resulting into racial tensions, particularly between affluent Indians and Arab Tanzanians who owned companies, houses and other big businesses. Some Indians and Arabs left the country as a result of this exercise and some were labelled "economic saboteurs," a situation that marked the beginning of another outbreak of racial marginalization. Unconfirmed reports attest to unfortunate incidences of racial marginalization whereby a political leader of Indian or Arab or mixed race would be referred to "yule Mbunge Mhindi" or "yule Mbunge Mwarabu," meaning "that Indian MP" or "that Arab MP" or others could even go to say "yule Mbunge Chotara," which means "that mixed-race parliamentarian."

The most prominent example is Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim, originally from Zanzibar, who held public office in Tanzania for over 27 years, in addition to various national, regional and international level positions. Mr. Salim is of Arab descent and when it was proposed that he be a presidential candidate in 2005, there were deafening reactions from within the ruling political party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM, Party of the Revolution), especially within elements of Zanzibar CCM members, who questioned the legitimacy of having "an Arab" take the reins of power. This is despite his impressive political track record, which includes being the Minister for Foreign Affairs (1980-1984), before serving as the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense and National Service as well as Tanzania's Prime Minister (1984-1985) until his election to the helm of the Organization of African Unity (OAU, now the African Union) General Secretariat in 1985. Dr. Salim, who was the longest-serving and last Secretary General of the OAU, was also the most influential African diplomat in United Nations history, apart from United Nations (UN) Secretary-General Kofi Annan, having served as Tanzania's permanent representative to the UN.

The fact that race was a factor that was used to undermine Dr. Salim as a leading contender for presidency in 2005 is no secret. This was an unintended consequence of deep-seated and unresolved tensions dating back to the Zanzibar revolution and the divisions that existed back then. Dr. Salim's detractors claimed that his father came from Oman - and he was therefore not really Tanzanian - although evidence shows that both his parents and grandparents came from Pemba Island (part of Zanzibar) and that he also has black African roots. Nowadays, there is growing awareness in racial relations in Tanzania but there is only a handful of Arab and Asian descent, who have the confidence to vie for political leadership positions. These include the following politicians of Indian descent: Mr. Mohammed Gulam Dewji, a wealthy businessman Member of Parliament, Hon Mohamed Sanya, Hon Abdulkarim Shah, Hon Mohamed Murji, Hon Aboud Aziz and Hon. Zakia Meghji who is of Arab descent.

Unfortunately, these perceptions and practices have permeated the state apparatus where it has been claimed on numerous occasions that Indians, Arabs and those of mixed race are perpetual targets of the police force; they are construed as offenders even before establishing the crime. One wonders whether this "racial marginalization baggage" is likely to disappear or whether we are set to continue passing this on to future generations. A personal example that really hit home was when my mother was recently thoroughly questioned about where she really is from - where her father and grandfathers came from, which school she attended and so forth, when submitting her application for her national identification card earlier this year. Stating the name of her village of birth and producing a Tanzanian passport was not sufficient. She had to get a birth certificate, and other supportive documents such as school certificates to verify her identity. I would like to presume that her Arab heritage - a product of intermarriage - made her a natural soft target.

Apart from Whites, people of Arab and Indian origin and their descendants - mixed-race, are "expected" to do better economically than the black majority simply because of the implied notion that they are financially better off and enjoy better education and professional opportunities. But this is a generalization and the reality exposes some of those Indians, Arabs or mixed-race people who live below the poverty line, to a series of social labels. Some would be called "Muhindi/Mwarabu maskini" (the poor Indian/Arab) and many a times they are looked down upon, almost like saying 'what's wrong with these ones?' This classification fuels racial animosity that many times is left to simmer, and grants permanency to racial marginalization in a young country like Tanzania. But business knack and business-savvy, a characteristic of Indians and Arabs, is not a coincidence but a result of history. When Arabs and Indians first set foot in Tanzania, it was for economic reasons and this image still exists today. Tanzanians of Indian origin in particular have successfully run businesses and they have maintained this same determination to do business and prosper. A few names come to mind: Mohamed Enterprise Tanzania Limited, which was established by a man of Indian origin and the Said Bakhresa Group, established by a man of Arab origin and many more - though again, they are still a minority.

The reality of mixed-race people in Tanzania

Eradicating racial marginalization that threatens the social fabric of any country takes time and requires commitment from all angles. Yet it is a necessary undertaking in order to create more inclusion of society members in the nation's socio-economic and political arena, and eliminate an unwarranted practice of judging individuals based on their ancestry and skin tone. This notion of umoja or unity, as propagated by Mwalimu Nyerere, must prevail if we are to build a nation of people who stand proud to defend our country and fight any notion or practice of racial marginalization, whether overt or covert. And there is no better time than now.

Tanzania is currently experiencing progress in a number of fronts: for instance in 2012 and 2013, its economy grew at an annual rate of 7 percent. We have witnessed economic growth driven by fast growing, capital-intensive sectors such as communications, financial services, construction, manufacturing, mining and retail trade sectors. The challenge now is to translate this economic growth into quality lives of Tanzanians from all walks of life. We need to enlist the participation of all Tanzanians, black, white, brown. As a developing country, Tanzania still has a number of targets to meet both at national and international levels. Although Tanzania's rank in the Human Development Index has improved since 1995, it is expected to reach only three of the seven Millennium Development Goals by 2015. It particularly lags behind in maternal health, malnutrition and environmental sustainability and poverty eradication. The power behind any country's success is its people who should, in all fairness, enjoy the sense of belonging irrespective of their ancestry because history - good or bad - cannot be changed but is a foundation for all of us to build upon and thrive.

Khairoon Abbas was born and raised in Dar-es-salaam, Tanzania, before moving to Canada 12 years ago to pursue her postsecondary education at Carleton University. Khairoon is journalist by training and currently works as a communications and education consultant. She lives in Ottawa with her husband and two-year old son. She can be reached via email: khairoon.abbas(@)gmail.com

References

"Biography of Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim." UN News Center. UN, Apr. 2002. Web. Nov. 2014.

"Slavery in Zanzibar." Tausio. Zanzibar Package, Nov. 2014.

"Study Guide: History - Maktaba." Rodwell. TETEA, Nov. 2014.

"Tanzania." Overview. World Bank, 9 Apr. 2014. Web. Nov. 2014.

"The East African Slave Trade." BBC News. BBC, Nov. 2014.

"The World Factbook: Tanzania." Central Intelligence Agency. Central Intelligence Agency, Nov. 2014.

"Zanzibar: 1964 Revolution and the One-Party System" Extracted from: "Zanzibar" IN Compendium of Elections in Southern Africa (2002), edited by Tom Lodge, Denis Kadima and David Pottie, EISA, 410-412. Web. Nov. 2014.

Ibhawoh, Bonny. "Deconstructing Ujamaa: The Legacy of Julius Nyerere in the Quest for Social and Economic Development in Africa." African Journal of Political Science / Revue Africaine De Science Politique 8.1 (2003): 59-83. Web. Nov. 2014.

Mwakikagile, Godfrey. "Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era." New Africa Press, 2010. Web. Nov. 2014.

Nsehe, Mfonobong. "Africa's 50 Richest 2013: The Newcomers." Forbes. Forbes Magazine, 13 Nov. 2013. Web. Nov. 2014.

Rajani, Rupal. "Life for Uganda's Asians, 40 Years on." BBC News. N.p., 5 Aug. 2012. Web. Nov. 2014.

Sheriff, Abdul. "Race and Class in the Politics of Zanzibar." Africa Spectrum 36.3 (2001): 301-18. Web. Nov. 2014.

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the AfricaFiles' editors and network members. They are included in our material as a reflection of a diversity of views and a variety of issues. Material written specifically for AfricaFiles may be edited for length, clarity or inaccuracies.

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