Non–Governmental Organizations operating in Kenya now risk losing their licenses unless they adhere to new policy guidelines requiring them to stop hiring expatriates where there are Kenyans who qualify.
NGO Board Director Fazul Mohamed says a huge salary disparity also exists between Kenyan and foreign staff leading to a trend of career expatriates hoping from organization to organization.
With nearly 80,000 people employed in the NGOs based in Kenya, the inside politics and mischief has gotten the attention of the government.
Apparently, expatriates are flooding the multinational, international and even local NGOs for lucrative posts and perks at the expense of qualified Kenyans.
Starting Monday, the 21st of June, NGOs must satisfy a raft of requirements contained in a circular sent to the organizations, including; "You only employ expatriates where there are no skills available locally; and there is differential treatment between international and local staff. International staff earn 4 times what a Kenyan earns for the same job, with comparable skills and qualifications," said Fazul.
The NGO board has discovered that on average, an international staff based in Kenya is paid 2,430,000 shillings every year, while a local staff based here as well would take home about 628,000 shillings for the same duration and job; a 1.8 million shillings difference.
"We have issued a circular to all HRMs of international and local NGOs to harmonize the salaries between local and international staff," said the NGO Board Director failure to which the NGO and the Human Resource Managers involved will face legal sanctions.
In any case, all expatriates must receive the board's endorsement to receive and renew their work permits.
"For those who have been in the country for more than three years, they will need to prove to us why they need more years around. We expect that at the point of being given a work permit they should have identified a Kenyan understudy, and we expect that Kenyan to then have been trained sufficiently for such skills that were not available in the country for them to take over the job," said Fazul.
Besides earning four times more than their Kenyan peers, foreigners are apparently enjoying house allowances in suburban estates, they would be allocated a car and their children would learn in high end international schools at the expense of the NGOs, that would not have the same granted to Kenyan staff.
Then there are foreign volunteers, who according to the NGO Board, do not earn salaries per se, but their perks on aggregate would surpass the salaries of local staff.
"We have told all NGOs before they bring volunteers into the country, they should sufficiently convince us and prove that there are also an equitable number of Kenyan volunteers sent to other countries," added Fazul.
From Monday henceforth, the NGOs will be required to recruit only after advertising in two local dailies to ensure as many Kenyans can apply and if they do not get the requisite skill, then they will be required to seek the approval of the board.
The board also undertakes to do periodic spot checks to ensure salary discrepancies are evened.
Kenya's NGO board, an official body which oversees the work of the charity sector, says that some organisations have been flouting the law by employing expatriates without proper work permits.
It says that foreigners can only be employed when there is no Kenyan available with the same skills, or when they are essential to the running of the charity, or when they are committed to training people to replace them.
Research by the board suggests that expatriates earn four times the salary of locals for doing the same job with comparable skills and qualifications.
NGO tension - Abdinoor Aden, BBC Africa, Nairobi
The enticement of working for an NGO is evident in Kenya.
Jobs in aid organisations in Kenya are seen as among the most lucrative due to the pay and benefits compared to other jobs.
For a long time, tensions have been brewing between Kenyan and foreign staff, as many locals are angry over what they see as unfair treatment.
Expatriate employees enjoy large allowances, security, housing, a vehicle and comprehensive attractive medical insurance.
Some Kenyan staff feel their colleagues are pampered.
The government feels the new restrictions are needed to safeguard the interests of Kenyans.
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T he FDLR Pretext Collapses Under the Weight of Documented Plunder Introduction: A Battle That Tells the Truth When Rwandan-backed RDF/M23 forces fought with extraordinary ferocity to seize and hold Rubaya — a remote mining town in North Kivu, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo — the stated justification was security. Kigali's consistent public line has been that its military presence in the DRC is a response to the threat posed by the Forces Democratiques de Liberation du Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group whose leaders include individuals linked to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. This narrative has been accepted, qualified, or left insufficiently challenged by Western governments and multilateral institutions for over a decade. The Battle of Rubaya strips that narrative bare. What unfolded in Rubaya was not a counter-insurgency operation against genocidal remnants. It was a sustained military campaign — reinforced by the Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF), prosecuted at sign...
Le prétexte des FDLR s’effondre sous le poids du pillage documenté Introduction : une bataille qui dit la vérité Lorsque les forces RDF/M23 soutenues par le Rwanda ont combattu avec une férocité extraordinaire pour s’emparer de Rubaya et la conserver — une ville minière reculée du Nord-Kivu, dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo — la justification officielle était la sécurité. La ligne publique constante de Kigali a été que sa présence militaire en RDC répond à la menace posée par les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), un groupe armé dont les dirigeants comprennent des individus liés au génocide de 1994 contre les Tutsi. Ce récit a été accepté, nuancé, ou laissé insuffisamment contesté par les gouvernements occidentaux et les institutions multilatérales pendant plus d’une décennie. La bataille de Rubaya met ce récit à nu. Ce qui s’est déroulé à Rubaya n’était pas une opération de contre-insurrection contre des restes génocidaires. C’était une campagne mili...
Résolution 2773, Conférence de Paris, doctrine macronienne du dialogue et pari de la Francophonie La politique de la France à l’égard de l’est de la RDC a produit un schéma constant : un langage public fort, une faible application des décisions, aucune pression visible fondée sur les sanctions, et des appels répétés au dialogue qui laissent largement intact le levier militaire et politique du Rwanda. La France ne peut pas rédiger des résolutions, organiser des conférences, rejeter les sanctions, appeler au dialogue, puis revendiquer la neutralité pendant que les civils restent sous occupation, déplacement et violence. Dans une guerre de cette ampleur, le silence et l’inaction ne sont pas neutres. Ce sont des actes politiques. Introduction La France se présente comme l’une des puissances occidentales les plus engagées dans la recherche de la paix dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo. Elle a parrainé la Résolution 2773 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Elle a organ...
How France's Interests in Mozambique Obstruct Peace in the DRC A Critical Analysis of Emmanuel Macron's Interview with TV5 Monde, Africa Forward Summit, Nairobi, 12 May 2026 Published by The African Rights Campaign (ARC) | London, May 2026 1. Introduction This analysis is based on French President Emmanuel Macron's interview with TV5 Monde, conducted on 12 May 2026 during the Africa Forward Summit in Nairobi, Kenya. In that interview, Macron was asked a direct question: given that Rwanda's support for the M23 armed group has been documented by United Nations experts, and given that the United States has imposed sanctions on the Rwanda Defence Force and several of its senior officers, why have France and the European Union declined to do the same? Macron's response was unconvincing, dishonest and analytically incoherent. It revealed not a carefully calibrated position of principled neutrality, but the operational logic of a government that has c...
----- Mail transféré ----- De : Mpania Jean <drjeanmpania@yahoo.fr> À : Hinterland <hinterland1@yahoogroupes.fr> Envoyé le : Mercredi 26 février 2014 17h13 Objet : [hinterland1] Tr : L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE Le Mercredi 26 février 2014 9h56, congokdp <congokdp@gmail.com> a écrit : L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE : Voici comment les institutions et tout le système de sécurité de la RDC sont sous contrôle du Rwanda et les officiels congolais infiltrés par des «hirondelles» rwandaises! L'OCCUPATION RWANDAISE EN MARCHE : Voici comment les institutions et tout le système de sécurité de la RDC sont sous contrôle du Rwanda et les officiels congolais infiltrés par des «hirondelles» rwandaises! Le processus d'occupation de la RDC par le lobby tutsi rwandais passe par le...
ANALYSIS AND INVESTIGATION Introduction: The Myth and the Man Behind the Myth There is a version of Paul Kagame that exists in the conference halls of Davos, in the pages of Western magazines, in private hotel meetings in London, Paris and Washington, and on the sleeves of European football shirts. In this version, Kagame is a visionary. A builder. A disciplined African moderniser. A leader who pulled a broken country from the ashes of genocide and turned it into what admirers often call the “Singapore of Africa”. In this version, Rwanda is clean, efficient, safe, investment-friendly and orderly. Kagame is presented as the African leader the West wants to believe in: controlled, polished, pro-market, security-focused and comfortable in elite Western spaces. Then there is the Rwanda that many Rwandans, exiles, journalists, opposition figures and human rights organisations describe. In this Rwanda, YouTubers and online commentators are jailed for what they say. Critics die in custo...
Dr Phil Clark was born in Sudan and is currently working at SOAS University of London. He is known to be biased lecturer and researcher about African issues, particularly the Rwandan genocide. With his poor judgement and analytical thinking, this man only talk about the results of events and forget the root causes. He is a staunch supporter of the criminal, dictator and killer Paul Kagame , the President of Rwanda. He is singing the song of the winner of the Rwandan war. He is in the same boat with Linda Melvern, a biased British freelancer who received a medal from the dictator Paul Kagame. "> "> Dr.Phil Clark "> Linda Melvern I am asking Dr Phil Clark one question: Dear Dr Phil Clark, What was the role of Paul Kagame and RPF in the Rwandan massacres and genocide in and outside Rwanda? Based...
Comment les intérêts français au Mozambique font obstacle à la paix en RDC Analyse critique de l'entretien d'Emmanuel Macron avec TV5 Monde, Africa Forward Summit, Nairobi, 12 mai 2026 Publié par The African Rights Campaign (ARC) | Londres, mai 2026 1. Introduction La présente analyse est fondée sur l'entretien accordé par le président français Emmanuel Macron à TV5 Monde, le 12 mai 2026, lors de l'Africa Forward Summit à Nairobi, au Kenya. Au cours de cet entretien, Macron s'est vu poser une question directe : étant donné que le soutien du Rwanda au groupe armé M23 est aujourd'hui documenté par les experts des Nations Unies, et étant donné que les États-Unis ont imposé des sanctions aux Forces de défense du Rwanda (FDR) ainsi qu'à plusieurs de leurs hauts responsables, pourquoi la France et l'Union européenne n'ont-elles pas fait de même ? La réponse de Macron s'est révélée peu convaincante, malhonnête et analytique...
I nvestigation: Paying to Stay Poor: How Western PR Firms, Lobbyists, Sports Clubs and Media Outlets Profit from Rwanda’s Image Economy Introduction: An Ecosystem of Paid Influence Rwanda is often presented internationally as a model of discipline, security, investment promotion and post-genocide recovery. That image has been carefully built, repeatedly amplified and professionally protected. Behind it sits a costly international network of sports sponsorships, lobbying contracts, public relations firms, legal consultancy, political access, favourable media relationships and diplomatic narrative management. The moral problem is clear. Rwanda remains heavily dependent on foreign aid and external financing. According to World Bank-linked data, foreign aid received by Rwanda reached approximately 1.39 billion US dollars in 2023. UNDP’s 2025 Human Development Report gives Rwanda a Human Development Index value of 0.578 for 2023, placing it 159th out of 193 countries and territories. U...
Introduction Depuis 2014, les tribunaux français ont poursuivi une série de ressortissants rwandais hutu pour leur rôle présumé dans le génocide de 1994 contre les Tutsi. Le premier procès, celui de l’ancien chef du renseignement Pascal Simbikangwa, a été suivi par les condamnations des anciens bourgmestres Octavien Ngenzi et Tito Barahira en 2016, puis par la condamnation, en 2023, de l’ancien officier de gendarmerie Philippe Hategekimana. Aucun accusé jugé en France, au titre de la compétence universelle, pour le génocide rwandais n’a été acquitté. D’autres poursuites devraient suivre. Ces procédures ont été largement saluées comme la preuve que la France affronte enfin son passé d’État ayant protégé des auteurs présumés du génocide sur son territoire. Des organisations internationales de défense des droits humains, des spécialistes du génocide et une partie de la société civile française les ont présentées comme une contribution tardive, mais bienvenue, à la lutte mondiale contre l’...
Africa Realities Media speaks to Africa and to the developed world. Many abuses facing African people are committed by African states and ruling elites, but they are often protected by international silence, lobbying, public relations, trade interests, migration deals and unequal global accountability. While governments pay lobbyists to present a good image abroad, ordinary African people continue to face violence, hunger, disease, poverty, repression and exclusion. We challenge the normalisation of African suffering and demand equal truth, equal justice and equal protection.
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Africa Realities Media s’adresse à l’Afrique et au monde développé. De nombreux abus subis par les peuples africains sont commis par des États africains et des élites dirigeantes, mais ils sont souvent protégés par le silence international, le lobbying, les relations publiques, les intérêts commerciaux, les accords migratoires et une responsabilité mondiale inégale. Tandis que des gouvernements paient des lobbyistes pour présenter une bonne image à l’étranger, des Africains ordinaires continuent de faire face à la violence, à la faim, aux maladies, à la pauvreté, à la répression et à l’exclusion. Nous contestons la normalisation de la souffrance africaine et exigeons une vérité égale, une justice égale et une protection égale.
Our work is designed to trigger debate, discomfort and action. We do not only expose injustice; we work for policy and systems change.
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Africa Realities Media is an independent African accountability platform based in London. We report, analyse and challenge the systems that shape African suffering, silence African victims and protect abusive power.
We are not here to repeat diplomatic language. We are here to ask the questions that are often avoided: why are African deaths treated as normal? Why are African victims given less urgency? Why are governments that imprison, exclude, displace or kill their own people protected when they serve powerful international interests?
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