Jan. 26, 2014 – Rwanda and Yemen are among eight countries to have their General Assembly voting rights suspended over non-payment of dues.
These countries have fallen foul of Article 19 of the UN Charter, which states that countries will lose their UNGA vote if their "arrears equals or exceeds the amount of the contributions due from it for the preceding two full years."
Rwanda completed a two-year stint on the Security Council on Dec. 31, 2014. It is the fifth biggest troop contributor to UN peacekeeping operations.
Minimum payments of $69,948 from Yemen and $7,636 from Rwanda are required to get their voting privileges back, according to a letter from Ban Ki-moon to the president of the General Assembly. Liberia is also listed in Ban's letter but he has since informed the GA that Monrovia has made the necessary payment.
Macedonia is also among the countries currently without a General Assembly vote. It will have to make a minimum payment of $24,606.
In total, 12 countries are not in compliance with Article 19, but four of those, including Guinea-Bissau and Somalia, can still vote as the GA decided that inability to pay is beyond their control.
The eight countries currently without a vote in the General Assembly:
1. Yemen 2. Grenada 3. Kyrgyzstan 4. Marshall Islands 5. Rwanda 6. The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 7. Tonga 8. Vanuatu
Rwanda has been assessed dues of $54, 271 for 2015 while Yemen's dues are $271,357 for the year.
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En l'espace de quelques heures, en moins de 24 heures, je viens de lire 3 postings diffรฉrents, provenant d'autant de membres diffรฉrents, qui pointent vers la dรฉfaillance du systรจme d'รฉducation au Rwanda. Certains surnomment ironiquement les diplรดmes gรฉnรฉrรฉs par ce systรจme "Merci Kagame"! Rares sont les รฉcoles, fussent-elles du tiers-monde, oรน les รฉtudiants ร la fin de leurs รฉtudes seraient incapables de fonctionner dans d'autres รฉcoles ร l'รฉtranger. Pourtant c'est la triste rรฉalitรฉ actuelle au Rwanda. Pour ceux qui connaissent le fonctionnement des Nations-Unies, il est grand temps de dรฉpรชcher sur place un rapporteur spรฉcial... L'UNESCO peut-รชtre! Sibomana Jean Bosco. *DHR* BBC: Iyumvire uburyo Kagame na FPR bazambije uburezi mu Rwanda kuburyo ababyeyi bifite bahitamo kohereza abana babo hanze Libellรฉs : Forums Peter Rwagasabo - 29 janv. ร rwagasabo, (bcc:Democrac...
http://www.veritasinfo.fr/m/article-122363461.html Itangazo ry'inama yahuje amashyaka i Buruseli kuwa 01/02/2014 Nk'uko byari biteganyijwe, kuri uyu wa gatandatu tariki ya 01/02/2014, i Buruseli mu Bubiligi hateraniye inama y'amashyaka atavuga rumwe n'ubutegetsi bwa Perezida Paul Kagame. Ku mashyaka icumi yari yatumiwe, ayabonetse mu nama ni atandatu (60%), ari yo : 1. Forces Dรฉmocratiques Unifiรฉes (FDU-Inkingi) ; 2. Forces Dรฉmocratiques de Libรฉration du Rwanda (FDLR) ; 3. Pacte Dรฉmocratique du Peuple (PDP-Imanzi) ; 4. Parti pour la Dรฉmocratie au Rwanda (PDR-Ihumure) ; 5. Parti Social (PS-Imberakuri) ; 6. Rwandan Dream Initiative (RDI-Rwanda Rwiza). Ihuriro FCLR - Ubumwe naryo ryari rihagarariwe muri iyo nama. Mu gutangira inama, abayijemo batoye umuyobozi wayo. Bamaze gusuzuma no kwemeza umurongo w'ibyigwa, bemeje ko muri iki gihe, ubufatanye bw'amashyaka ya opposition ari ngombwa cyane ...
The FDLR Myth: How Rwanda Weaponises a Diminished Threat to Justify Occupation Investigation Exposes Contradictions in Rwanda's Security Narrative For over a decade, Rwanda has justified its military presence in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo by citing threats from the FDLR, a Hutu militia group linked to the 1994 genocide. But an investigation into FDLR's actual capabilities, Rwanda's military operations, and patterns of violence reveals a narrative that does not match reality. The FDLR threat, whilst real, has been systematically exaggerated and manipulated to justify objectives that have nothing to do with the militia group. Introduction The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) occupies a central position in Rwanda's justification for military intervention in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. For more than two decades, Rwandan authorities have portrayed the militia group as an existential threat requiring sustaine...
Kigali wants Washington to punish Congo too. But a ceasefire that leaves the occupier in place is not peace; it is occupation without noise. African lives are not worth less. African deaths are not normal. Western interests must never become a licence to kill African people. Introduction: A Familiar Complaint On 29 June 2026, Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Olivier Nduhungirehe, sat before the cameras of France 24 and declared that his country was “disappointed by the increasingly biased US mediation” in the conflict with the Democratic Republic of Congo. He asked why sanctions had targeted only Rwanda. He called the measures unfair, one-sided and counterproductive. Weeks earlier, President Paul Kagame had told Jeune Afrique that sanctions and threats were insults thrown at Rwanda, and accused Washington of exerting heavy pressure on Rwanda while treating the DRC more delicately. The grievance sounds reasonable until you remember where you have heard it before. Since 2022, the Kr...
MASS KILLINGS OF HUTU BEFORE, DURING, AND AFTER 1994 IN RWANDA, DRC AND UGANDA INTRODUCTION TO PART 2 Part 1 established the assassination of President Habyarimana, the Bruguiรจre and Spanish investigations, Kagame's responsibility for starting the war, the Kigali massacres, challenges to the "genocide against the Tutsi only" narrative, and the need for UN framework revision. Part 2 documents specific mass killings of Hutu populations that have been systematically erased from history: the Kibeho massacre of 1995, the Byumba Stadium massacre of 1994, the hunting and slaughter of Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo from 1996 to 1997, killings in Uganda, and the pattern of political assassinations and property seizures. 2. THE KIBEHO MASSACRE (22 APRIL 1995) 2.1 The Camp and Its Population By April 1995, the Kibeho internally displaced persons camp in Gikongoro prefecture southwestern Rwanda held between 80,000 and 100,000...
How Paul Kagame Uses Diplomats' "Bury Your Head in the Sand" Strategy as a Green Light to Continue Rwanda's War in the DRC Africa Realities Media | 17 July 2026 The purpose of this article is to expose a deliberate and systematic strategy: Paul Kagame's years-long practice of creating events — diplomatic dinners, RPF party meetings, genocide commemorations, international business forums and RPF Bureau Politique addresses — to which he invites foreign ambassadors and the world's business and political elite for one purpose: to explain, justify, and defend Rwanda's military invasion of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Everybody who follows this region knows the strategy now. The same narrative. The same arguments. The same defiance. At one event he tells the Trump Administration to go to hell. At the next he says those sanctioning him will leave power and he will remain. At the RPF Bureau Politique of 17 July 2026, he tells ambassadors that the on...
Le 30 juin 2026, pour la premiรจre fois en cinquante-six ans d'existence de l'Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, les candidats au poste de Secrรฉtaire gรฉnรฉral ont รฉtรฉ auditionnรฉs publiquement devant les ministres des Affaires รฉtrangรจres des 53 รtats membres de plein droit, rรฉunis en Confรฉrence ministรฉrielle extraordinaire ร Paris. Parmi les quatre prรฉtendants au mandat 2027-2030, qui sera attribuรฉ par les chefs d'รtat au XXe Sommet de la Francophonie ร Phnom Penh les 15 et 16 novembre 2026, figure un profil inรฉdit : Dacian Cioloศ, ancien Premier ministre de Roumanie, ancien commissaire europรฉen ร l'Agriculture et ancien prรฉsident du groupe Renew au Parlement europรฉen, seul candidat non africain de la course. Cet article, premier d'une sรฉrie de cinq consacrรฉe aux auditions, analyse la prestation de M. Cioloศ sur huit axes : la vision, l'innovation, le dรฉveloppement des communautรฉs locales, la promotion de la langue franรงaise, les conflits et la s...
Comment Paul Kagame utilise la stratรฉgie diplomatique de « l’autruche » comme feu vert pour poursuivre la guerre du Rwanda en RDC Le but de cet article est d’exposer une stratรฉgie dรฉlibรฉrรฉe et systรฉmatique : la pratique, poursuivie depuis des annรฉes par Paul Kagame, consistant ร crรฉer des รฉvรฉnements — dรฎners diplomatiques, rรฉunions du parti FPR, commรฉmorations du gรฉnocide, forums internationaux d’affaires et interventions devant le Bureau Politique du FPR — auxquels il invite des ambassadeurs รฉtrangers ainsi que l’รฉlite mondiale des affaires et de la politique dans un seul but : expliquer, justifier et dรฉfendre l’invasion militaire de la Rรฉpublique dรฉmocratique du Congo par le Rwanda. Tous ceux qui suivent cette rรฉgion connaissent dรฉsormais cette stratรฉgie. Le mรชme rรฉcit. Les mรชmes arguments. La mรชme dรฉfiance. Lors d’un รฉvรฉnement, il dit ร l’administration Trump d’aller au diable. Lors du suivant, il affirme que ceux qui le sanctionnent quitteront le pouvoir tandis que lui restera. Lor...
La francophonie utile ร l'รฉpreuve des projets concrets Conseillรจre ร la prรฉsidence mauritanienne, forte d'une longue expรฉrience auprรจs de cinq chefs d'รtat successifs de son pays, Coumba Bรข porte la candidature de la Mauritanie au poste de Secrรฉtaire gรฉnรฉral de la Francophonie, dont le titulaire du mandat 2027-2030 sera dรฉsignรฉ par les chefs d'รtat au XXe Sommet de la Francophonie, prรฉvu ร Phnom Penh les 15 et 16 novembre 2026. Son audition publique du 30 juin 2026 ร Paris, devant les ministres des Affaires รฉtrangรจres des 53 รtats membres de plein droit, reposait sur un positionnement singulier : celui d'un pays carrefour, ร la fois africain, arabe et sahรฉlien, prรฉsentรฉ comme un pont possible vers les รtats qui ont quittรฉ l'organisation. Cet article, quatriรจme d'une sรฉrie de cinq consacrรฉe aux auditions, analyse sa prestation sur huit axes : la vision, l'innovation, le dรฉveloppement des communautรฉs locales, la promotion de la langue franรงaise, les confli...
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