Jan. 26, 2014 – Rwanda and Yemen are among eight countries to have their General Assembly voting rights suspended over non-payment of dues.
These countries have fallen foul of Article 19 of the UN Charter, which states that countries will lose their UNGA vote if their "arrears equals or exceeds the amount of the contributions due from it for the preceding two full years."
Rwanda completed a two-year stint on the Security Council on Dec. 31, 2014. It is the fifth biggest troop contributor to UN peacekeeping operations.
Minimum payments of $69,948 from Yemen and $7,636 from Rwanda are required to get their voting privileges back, according to a letter from Ban Ki-moon to the president of the General Assembly. Liberia is also listed in Ban's letter but he has since informed the GA that Monrovia has made the necessary payment.
Macedonia is also among the countries currently without a General Assembly vote. It will have to make a minimum payment of $24,606.
In total, 12 countries are not in compliance with Article 19, but four of those, including Guinea-Bissau and Somalia, can still vote as the GA decided that inability to pay is beyond their control.
The eight countries currently without a vote in the General Assembly:
1. Yemen 2. Grenada 3. Kyrgyzstan 4. Marshall Islands 5. Rwanda 6. The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia 7. Tonga 8. Vanuatu
Rwanda has been assessed dues of $54, 271 for 2015 while Yemen's dues are $271,357 for the year.
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Le prรฉtexte des FDLR s’effondre sous le poids du pillage documentรฉ Introduction : une bataille qui dit la vรฉritรฉ Lorsque les forces RDF/M23 soutenues par le Rwanda ont combattu avec une fรฉrocitรฉ extraordinaire pour s’emparer de Rubaya et la conserver — une ville miniรจre reculรฉe du Nord-Kivu, dans l’est de la Rรฉpublique dรฉmocratique du Congo — la justification officielle รฉtait la sรฉcuritรฉ. La ligne publique constante de Kigali a รฉtรฉ que sa prรฉsence militaire en RDC rรฉpond ร la menace posรฉe par les Forces dรฉmocratiques de libรฉration du Rwanda (FDLR), un groupe armรฉ dont les dirigeants comprennent des individus liรฉs au gรฉnocide de 1994 contre les Tutsi. Ce rรฉcit a รฉtรฉ acceptรฉ, nuancรฉ, ou laissรฉ insuffisamment contestรฉ par les gouvernements occidentaux et les institutions multilatรฉrales pendant plus d’une dรฉcennie. La bataille de Rubaya met ce rรฉcit ร nu. Ce qui s’est dรฉroulรฉ ร Rubaya n’รฉtait pas une opรฉration de contre-insurrection contre des restes gรฉnocidaires. C’รฉtait une campagne mili...
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ANALYSIS AND INVESTIGATION Introduction: The Myth and the Man Behind the Myth There is a version of Paul Kagame that exists in the conference halls of Davos, in the pages of Western magazines, in private hotel meetings in London, Paris and Washington, and on the sleeves of European football shirts. In this version, Kagame is a visionary. A builder. A disciplined African moderniser. A leader who pulled a broken country from the ashes of genocide and turned it into what admirers often call the “Singapore of Africa”. In this version, Rwanda is clean, efficient, safe, investment-friendly and orderly. Kagame is presented as the African leader the West wants to believe in: controlled, polished, pro-market, security-focused and comfortable in elite Western spaces. Then there is the Rwanda that many Rwandans, exiles, journalists, opposition figures and human rights organisations describe. In this Rwanda, YouTubers and online commentators are jailed for what they say. Critics die in custo...
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Comment les intรฉrรชts franรงais au Mozambique font obstacle ร la paix en RDC Analyse critique de l'entretien d'Emmanuel Macron avec TV5 Monde, Africa Forward Summit, Nairobi, 12 mai 2026 Publiรฉ par The African Rights Campaign (ARC) | Londres, mai 2026 1. Introduction La prรฉsente analyse est fondรฉe sur l'entretien accordรฉ par le prรฉsident franรงais Emmanuel Macron ร TV5 Monde, le 12 mai 2026, lors de l'Africa Forward Summit ร Nairobi, au Kenya. Au cours de cet entretien, Macron s'est vu poser une question directe : รฉtant donnรฉ que le soutien du Rwanda au groupe armรฉ M23 est aujourd'hui documentรฉ par les experts des Nations Unies, et รฉtant donnรฉ que les รtats-Unis ont imposรฉ des sanctions aux Forces de dรฉfense du Rwanda (FDR) ainsi qu'ร plusieurs de leurs hauts responsables, pourquoi la France et l'Union europรฉenne n'ont-elles pas fait de mรชme ? La rรฉponse de Macron s'est rรฉvรฉlรฉe peu convaincante, malhonnรชte et analytique...
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Introduction Depuis 2014, les tribunaux franรงais ont poursuivi une sรฉrie de ressortissants rwandais hutu pour leur rรดle prรฉsumรฉ dans le gรฉnocide de 1994 contre les Tutsi. Le premier procรจs, celui de l’ancien chef du renseignement Pascal Simbikangwa, a รฉtรฉ suivi par les condamnations des anciens bourgmestres Octavien Ngenzi et Tito Barahira en 2016, puis par la condamnation, en 2023, de l’ancien officier de gendarmerie Philippe Hategekimana. Aucun accusรฉ jugรฉ en France, au titre de la compรฉtence universelle, pour le gรฉnocide rwandais n’a รฉtรฉ acquittรฉ. D’autres poursuites devraient suivre. Ces procรฉdures ont รฉtรฉ largement saluรฉes comme la preuve que la France affronte enfin son passรฉ d’รtat ayant protรฉgรฉ des auteurs prรฉsumรฉs du gรฉnocide sur son territoire. Des organisations internationales de dรฉfense des droits humains, des spรฉcialistes du gรฉnocide et une partie de la sociรฉtรฉ civile franรงaise les ont prรฉsentรฉes comme une contribution tardive, mais bienvenue, ร la lutte mondiale contre l’...
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