Skip to main content

Former Burundian refugees struggle to assert their new Tanzanian citizenship

Former Burundian refugees struggle to assert their new Tanzanian citizenship
 
"I can't be a citizen if I am still a refugee": Former Burundian refugees struggle to assert their new Tanzanian citizenship International Refugee Rights Initiative, Citizenship and Displacement in the Great Lakes Region, Working Paper 8, March 2013
 
Approximately 162,000 former Burundian refugees in Tanzania are living in legal limbo in Tanzania. Having been accepted for naturalisation and having denounced their Burundian nationality, they are now unable to get certificates confirming their new status. The situation facing this group is the subject of a paper launched by the International Refugee Rights Initiative today, "I can't be a citizen if I am still a refugee" Former Burundian refugees struggle to assert their new Tanzanian citizenship. The launch follows a discussion of the paper on 19 March at the University of Dar es Salaam attended by representatives from government, the UN, donors, NGOs and the academic community.
 
Building on research conducted in 2008, the new research conducted in late 2012 asked whether or not naturalisation has translated into genuine citizenship for this group of (former) refugees both legally and practically. Based on 101 interviews with former refugees, local government officials and members of the host community, as well as engagement with national government officials, the findings show that the former refugees are-as a matter of practice-caught somewhere between refugee status and the genuine assertion of their new citizenship. An unprecedented offer has become increasingly caught up in the realities of implementation and realpolitik. While it is important not to detract from the level of generosity of the government of Tanzania's original offer, the process has revealed a disjuncture between presentation and reality and the whole undertaking appears to be in jeopardy.
 
With their applications for naturalisation accepted, but without documentation to that effect, the former refugees remain in a legal limbo. The government of Tanzania asserts that the process is incomplete: "The mere fact that certificates were not issued to the applicants connotes the incomplete part of the process." Some officials insist that receiving documentation of their status is contingent upon relocation to other areas of Tanzania - at the same time as it appears that the relocation process is stalled. In fact, there are increasing fears that there may be an attempt to withdraw the offer entirely.Compelling arguments were made both for and against relocation. Arguments for relocation were made by government officials, some members of the host population, and even a few of the naturalised former refugees. Referring to how citizenship has been constructed in Tanzania for decades, they emphasise the need to break with localised expressions of "tradition" in order to ensure citizenship built on "new" (i.e. non-ethnic) forms of social affiliation. Arguments against relocation were strongly articulated by the former refugees: if they are citizens now, should they not be allowed to move and settle freely in the country like any other Tanzanian? In addition, some believe that being forced to relocate would leave them vulnerable as it would undermine forms of local belonging that allow vital access to livelihoods.
 
The situation has become gridlocked with everyone feeling demoralised. In order to break this impasse, the government must demonstrate their commitment to the process by issuing citizenship certificates to those accepted for naturalisation. On the issue of relocation, some form of compromise is likely to be necessary-a compromise that encourages relocation but that does not make citizenship contingent upon it. As one of those interviewed put it "integration happens when 'new' and 'old' citizens come together as one and count each other as relatives under equality even though our cultures and values are different."
 
Ultimately, it would be a tragedy if the process were to unravel at this point. As one of only a few examples of a refugee-hosting government promoting full local integration through the grant of citizenship for a particular group of refugees, what is taking place in Tanzania can be a model for response to situations of protracted exile around the world.
 
 
 

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

OIF : Louise Mushikiwabo, une candidature embarrassante pour un troisième mandat de trop

C'était en novembre 2025, à Kigali. En marge de la 46e Conférence ministérielle de la Francophonie, Louise Mushikiwabo prenait la parole avec l'assurance de celle qui n'a rien à craindre : de nombreux pays, affirmait-elle, lui avaient demandé de se représenter. Spontanément. Naturellement. Unanimement presque. Sauf que les faits racontent une tout autre histoire. L'annonce qui ne devait pas avoir lieu si tôt Novembre 2025. Le Centre de Conventions de Kigali accueille plus de 400 délégués des 90 États membres de l'Organisation internationale de la Francophonie. Le thème officiel porte sur les femmes et l'égalité des genres, trente ans après Pékin. Mais en marge des séances plénières, c'est une autre affaire qui agite les couloirs : Louise Mushikiwabo vient d'annoncer qu'elle souhaite briguer un troisième mandat. L'annonce est prématurée. Délibérément. Les candidatures ne ferment qu'en avril 2026. Aucun autre pays n'a encore ...

Pourquoi les sanctions américaines ne fonctionnent pas contre le Rwanda

Pourquoi Paul Kagame a ignoré les sanctions américaines et la Résolution 2773 du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU Entre février 2025 et mars 2026, le Trésor américain a imposé deux séries de sanctions ciblant directement la machine de guerre du Rwanda dans l'est du Congo : d'abord James Kabarebe, ministre d'État rwandais et principal intermédiaire du régime auprès du M23, puis les Forces de défense rwandaises en tant qu'entité, ainsi que quatre de leurs hauts responsables. Chacun des individus sanctionnés est demeuré en poste. Les FDR ne se sont pas retirées. Cette analyse examine pourquoi les mesures de Washington n'ont pas modifié la conduite du Rwanda — et pourquoi, selon les propres mots de Kagame, elles sont rejetées comme l'Å“uvre des « simplement stupides ».     Introduction : des sanctions sans conséquence La campagne de sanctions de Washington contre les opérations militaires du Rwanda dans l'est du Congo s'...

Paul Kagame: “We refuse to remove defensive measures"

Paul Kagame Refuses to Implement the Washington Accords and UN Security Council Resolution 2773: Analysis and Implications In an exclusive interview published on 3 April 2026, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda openly confirmed that Rwandan forces are deployed in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, rejected calls for their withdrawal, dismissed US sanctions as illegitimate, and signalled clear satisfaction with the current military status quo. This briefing examines what Kagame said, what his remarks mean for the Washington Accords, and what concrete steps the United States must now take if it wishes to restore credibility to its diplomacy in the Great Lakes region. Introduction: A Confession Wrapped in Grievance The interview, conducted by François Soudan and published in Jeune Afrique on 3 April 2026, is one of the most candid public statements Paul Kagame has made on Rwanda's military role in the DRC. Its significance does not lie in revealing something previously unknown. Th...

BBC News

Africanews

UNDP - Africa Job Vacancies

How We Made It In Africa – Insight into business in Africa

Migration Policy Institute